navanavonmilita
2010-04-05 21:23:07 UTC
Of God, Godmen and Good men: Sid Harth
Religion: Instant Energy
Monday, Jul. 26, 1976
"In this country they have Father's Day and Mother's Day, and they
might as well have a Guru's Day," said the small, closely cropped
Indian dressed in a red wool ski hat, red silk robes and red knee
socks. He was himself a notable guru, Muktananda Paramahansa. So, last
week at a secluded retreat that was once a Catskill Mountains resort
hotel in upstate New York, more than 2,000 followers staged a day-long
celebration in honor of the man they consider a saint.
There were prayer sessions from which rose chants of Sanskrit verses.
Then the blue lights in the meditation hall dimmed, and the faithful
swayed rhythmically to and fro. Finally, Muktananda proclaimed (in
Mindi, a Hindi dialect), "Now is the auspicious hour of the auspicious
day. The sun and moon are strong." That heralded the main event: the
marriage of 16 couples, the women in saris, with garlands of flowers.
The guru, who is licensed to perform weddings as a minister in an
ordination mill called the Universal Life Church, blessed the rings
and said, "May you live together in love."
Muktananda, 68, known to his followers as Baba (father), is America's
newest fashionable guru. With 62 centers in North America besides the
Catskills ashram, he has attracted more than 20,000 devotees since his
arrival in 1974. He has also received respectful visits from such
celebrities as California Governor Jerry Brown, Singers James Taylor
and Carly Simon, Anthropologist Carlos Castaneda and Astronaut Edgar
Mitchell. At home in India, too, he has a considerable following.
There are centers of his disciples all over the subcontinent. He will
return there this fall in a chartered Air India 747, together with 400
American devotees and a pet bull terrier. But this is undoubtedly not
his last sojourn in the U.S. Says the guru: "Americans are good,
loving and affectionate, law-abiding and disciplined. They have
everything material; now they are searching for and deserve to find
true happiness." Americans who encounter the guru return the
compliment. Says Joy Anderson, a former dancer who now runs the
Catskills ashram with her husband: "He is the perfect guru for the
West. We expect when we put something in to get something out —like
instant coffee—and from Baba you get instant experience."
The principles of Muktananda's teachings are traditionally Hindu:
"Meditate on yourself. Honor and worship your own inner being. God
dwells within you as you." But whereas most gurus lead their disciples
through a slow evolutionary process, Muktananda transmits shakti—
energy or elemental force—in one two-day ritual of teaching and
meditation called an "intensive" (fee, plus modest room and board:
$100). In the climactic moment, the guru places his fingers on the
disciple's closed eyes and gently pushes the head back and forth. The
disciple is then supposed to feel the power flowing into him as if by
an electric charge. Some people say they have experienced flashing
lights, visions, ethereal sounds, and even, among women, orgasm.
Molten Gold. Muktananda had much the same experience himself when he
was initiated by his teacher Nityan-anda in 1947. Inspired at the age
of 15 by his first encounter with the man, he left his home in
southern India to seek out various sages and swamis. Twenty-five years
later he found Nityananda again: "His eyes, wide open, were gazing
straight into mine. I was dazed, I could not close my eyes; I had lost
all power of volition. I saw a ray of light entering me from his
pupils. It felt hot, like burning fever. Its color kept changing from
molten gold to saffron to a shade deeper than the blue of a shining
star. I stood utterly transfixed."
The suppliants who look to Baba Muktananda for such experiences are
generally older than those who follow some other gurus, and they
include a high proportion of professionals: lawyers, actors, educators
and a surprising number of psychologists. Attorney Ron Friedland, 35,
is recuperating from a heart attack. During his convalescence, he
says, he learned that "if you have taken all there is to take out of a
career, and there is nothing more to aspire to, then you know you only
have one-third of the pie—even if it's the fattest, richest third."
Jerry Bender, 38, was making $50,000 a year in Los Angeles as the
chairman of two small film corporations when he began to feel unhappy
about his high-pressure existence. "Now," he says of his sojourn at
the ashram, "I'm in love for the first time in my life. I'm in love
with life. Before this I was in business. Today I am more creative.
When I go back to my business, I'll probably earn $200,000 a year."
Says Russell Kruckman, who once taught literature at Northwestern: "I
don't think people come here looking for a religion. What they come
for is an experience that will give meaning and substance to their
lives. You don't have to believe or profess anything to be a follower
of Baba. We don't become Hindus. People get whatever it is they get
from Baba, and their lives are changed."
Sometimes the changes are small indeed. A number of disciples report
having donated a pack of cigarettes to the guru and thereby been freed
from the desire to smoke (others, even after the guru has touched them
with his sheaf of peacock feathers, still sneak out of the ashram for
a quick puff). But many testify that the guru has genuinely helped
them to cast off "negative emotions" and achieve a certain
tranquillity. Says Muktananda of his own mysterious powers: "I am
however you see me. If you see me as a saint, I am a saint. If you see
me as a fool, I am a fool. If you see me as an ordinary man, I am an
ordinary man." Asked how he sees himself, he answers, "I see myself as
myself."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,914413,00.html
Behavior: THE TM CRAZE: 40 Minutes to Bliss
Monday, Oct. 13, 1975
Before each game, New York Jets Quarterback Joe Namath finds a quiet
spot and seems to nod off. In the middle of a gale on Long Island
Sound, while her friends are wrestling with lines and sails, Wendy
Sherman, a Manhattan adwoman, slips to the bow of a 36-ft. yawl, makes
herself as comfortable as she can, and closes her eyes. On warm
afternoons in Rome, Ga., Municipal Court Judge Gary Hamilton and his
wife Virginia can be found on their screened porch, apparently dozing.
It is not a compulsion to sleep that these and perhaps 600,000 other
Americans have in common. It is TM, or Transcendental Meditation, a
ritual that they practice almost religiously twice a day and every
day.
Last week the man who brought TM to America and the rest of the world,
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, was in the U.S. on one of his infrequent visits
to spread The Word. The white-bearded guru visited his new university,
the Maharishi International University in Iowa, and then flew to Los
Angeles, where he taped the Merv Griffin show. Scores of his followers
were in the audience, welcoming their leader with the traditional
Indian greeting in which the hands are held, prayer-like, just below
the chin.
"He's the greatest spiritual leader of our age," proclaimed one of the
Maharishi's devoted band. "He hasn't established a religion, but a
knowledge to benefit mankind."
Outside the TV studio, however, a group of Christian fundamentalists
was present to demonstrate that the diminutive guru has attracted more
than a few detractors. JESUS IS THE LORD, NOT MAHARISHI, read their
signs. The Maharishi saw them, then was whisked away in his limousine
to a suite in the Beverly Wilshire Hotel. "We are not a religion," he
retorted.
Why is there so much fuss about something so arcane-sounding as
Transcendental Meditation? Simple. TM is the turn-on of the '70s—a
drugless high that even the narc squad might enjoy.
All it demands of its practitioners is that they sit still for 20
minutes each morning and evening and silently repeat, over and over
again, their specially assigned Sanskrit word, or mantra.
This simple exercise is the cureall, its adherents claim, for almost
everything from high blood pressure and lack of energy to alcoholism
and poor sexual performance. "I use it the way I'd use a product of
our technology to overcome nervous tension," says Stanford Law
Professor John Kaplan. "It's a nonchemical tranquilizer with no
unpleasant side effects."
That recommendation alone is enough for many people in this Valium-
saturated age, and the TM organization can scarcely keep up with those
seeking nirvana by the numbers. Some 30,000 are signing up every month—
more than three times as many as a year ago. There are now 370 TM
centers around the country, and around 6,000 TM teachers.
The movement is biggest in that supermarket of Eastern cults and fads,
California, which claims 123,000 meditators. According to the TM
organization's statistics, there are also 300,000 TM meditators and
2,000 teachers in other countries. Canada leads the way with 90,000,
followed by West Germany (54,000).
Books about TM are on both the hardcover and paperback bestseller
lists, up there, for the moment at least, with the joys of sex, the
dictates of diet, and the woes of Watergate.*
Maharishi International University occupies a 185-acre campus in
Fairfield, Iowa, and is offering 600 students courses in such ordinary
subjects as administration as well as such esoterica as "Astronomy,
Cosmology and the Science of Creative Intelligence" (SCI, as it is
always called, is the grand and somewhat amorphous theory behind TM).
The revenues of the World Plan Executive Council-U.S., the umbrella
name for the burgeoning American TM movement, now amount to $12
million a year.
At national headquarters in Los Angeles, 60 full-time employees
oversee a conglomerate of euphoria that includes the Students
International Meditation Society, which has programs on 100 campuses;
the International Meditation Society, which gives both beginning and
advanced TM courses; and the American Foundation for the Science of
Creative Intelligence, which caters to businessmen. In addition to the
many TM centers, there are also five fully owned and hundreds of
rented country retreats offering lectures, seminars and advanced
meditation (up to 120 minutes a day, or three times the usual dosage).
One such center that the movement owns is set amid 465 acres of
unspoiled countryside at Livingston Manor in New York's Catskill
Mountains. It has a 350-room hotel, a sophisticated printing plant for
the masses of TM newsletters and other literature, and a videotape and
sound-recording complex worthy of a TV network.
TM is even setting up a television station in Los Angeles. Channel 18
is scheduled to go on the air in November with taped lectures by the
Maharishi and variety shows featuring such famous meditators as Stevie
Wonder, Peggy Lee and the Beach Boys, who have written a one-line TM
song ("Transcendental Meditation is good for you"). Station KSCI will
report only good news. there is talk of a TM network sending smiles
from sea to sea.
TM is often mistaken for other nostrums of the '60s and '70s, but it
has little or no relationship to most of them. For example, Esalen,
which inspired the encounter movement in the '60s, in cludes such
therapy as nude communal bathing and rolfing—deep-probing, painful
massages that are supposed to release the unawakened consciousness.
Arica, a nationwide spiritual organi zation, searches for "the
Essential Self through, among other things, Egyptian gymnastics and
African dances. Meditation is only incidental to Arica, and involves
concentrating on the plan ets Jupiter and Saturn and the colors blue
and black. Est, a San Francisco-based group, puts large numbers of
people together in a room and keeps them there for up to 15 hours at a
time, with only three toilet breaks. This supposedly forces modern man
to look at his existential roots and discover, as Founder Werner
Erhard phrases it, that "what is, is." Because of the confusion of
names, the Maharishi is also often mistaken for the junior guru, the
Maharaj Ji, 17, the pudgy, high-living "Perfect Master" of the Divine
Light sect. In contrast to all of the other consciousness-raising
groups, TM appears refreshingly dull and commonplace.
The only exotic component of TM, indeed, is the some what mysterious
figure of the Maharishi himself. Questioned about his past, he roars
with laughter. "You see," he explained to TIME'S Robert Kroon, "I am a
monk, and as a monk I am not expected to think of my past.
It is not important where I come from. I am totally detached and
peripatetic, like Socrates."
This much is known: he was born in India's Central prov ince some time
around 1918 (he refuses to give his age) into the Kshatriya or warrior
caste. In 1940 he took a degree in physics at Allahabad University. He
decided, however, to seek enlightenment in a less scientific and more
orthodox Indian way: he spent 13 years, from 1940 to 1953, with Guru
Dev, a swami who left home at the age of nine to seek enlightenment.
Guru Dev revived a lost meditation technique that originated in the
Vedas, the oldest Hindu writings. According to one legend, Guru Dev
charged the Maharishi with a mission: to find a technique that would
enable the masses to meditate. The Maharishi hid away in the Himalayas
for two years. When he emerged, he started the TM movement. In 1956 he
took the name Maharishi, meaning Great Seer in Sanskrit. Now in his
late 50s—though looks as old as the Vedas themselves—the Maharishi, by
all accounts, is a living advertisement for the energy TM supposed to
release. He is forever jeting round the world to visit TM centers in
89 countries. Last month, for ample, he was in Courchevel, a ski
resort in the French Alps, where the movement has temporarily
converted the posh Anapurna Hotel into a training center. In
Courchevel, the Maharishi has a two-seater helicopter always at the
ready to save driving up and down the mountains. The center is a place
of great contrasts. Near the hotel's indoor swimming pool there is a
dais covered with a saffron-colored cloth and surmounted by a portrait
of Guru Dev. Yet nearby is the inevitable color TV studio, ready to
record the Maharishi's every word and gesture.
His aides are always awed and reverential around him. The headquarters
of the movement, they say, is not in one physical spot but rather
"wherever Maharishi is"—true believers do not use the article before
his name. He is the only one in the movement who is not expected to
and does not meditate on a regular basis. "He doesn't have to," says
Robert Cranson, who served two years as one of his secretaries. "He
long ago achieved a perpetual fourth state of consciousness. The
clarity of his mind is awesome."
The Maharishi believes that if only 1% of the population any community
or country is meditating, the other 99% will feel good effects and
crime will be reduced. If 5% meditates, he adds, great things will
really begin to happen. "A good time for the world is coming," he
says. "I see the dawn of the Age of Enlightenment. I am only giving
expression to the phenomenon that is taking place."
Whether the Age of Enlightenment is at hand remains to be seen, but
meditating the TM way is in fact as easy as the Maharishi says it is.
First off, a would-be meditator must attend two introductory lectures
of an hour to an hour and a half. Tl if he is still interested, he
pays his fee: $125 for an individual with lower rates for college and
high school students and children four (the minimum age) to ten.
The initiate takes off his shoes and gathers his "offering": a fresh,
white handkerchief, several pieces of sweet fruit and a bunch of
flowers. TM claims to be totally secular, and the offerings are
supposedly meant only as symbols: the flowers represent the flowers of
life, the fruit the seed of life, and the handkerchief the cleansing
of the spirit. After handing over his gifts, the newcomer is taken to
a private room, where his teacher lights candles and incense and
places the fruit, flowers and ha kerchief on an altar under a color
portrait of Guru Dev. The teacher then chants in Sanskrit and
introduces the meditator to his mantra, the one word that is meant to
keep him meditating for the rest of his life.
The meditator is never supposed to reveal his mantra—not to wife,
husband, lover or children. Each teacher is personally given a set of
mantras by the Maharishi—exactly 17 according to one knowledgeable
source. He must parcel them out to his initiates, based on a secret
formula that presumably includes temperament and profession. Duly
initiated, the fledgling meditator is ready for his meditating
classes, which last about an hour and a half each and which must be
taken on three consecutive days or nights. Together with others, up to
50 or more, he sits in a lecture room, meditates for ten minutes or
so, opens his eyes with the others, then meditates again. With the
help of charts and diagrams, TM theories are explained by instructors
who, following the movement's dress code, are invariably well-groomed
and conservatively clothed.
How do you meditate? According to Physicist Lawrence Domash,
chancellor of the Maharishi European Research University in Weggis,
Switzerland, describing meditation is like "trying to explain the
innards of a color television set to a tribe of Pygmies. What you can
do is tell the Pygmy how to switch on the set and tune in to a station
so he can enjoy the program." In fact, say the TM people, there is no
wrong way to meditate. About 30 seconds after the eyes close, the
mantra should come into the mind on its own; if it refuses, the
meditator gently nudges it and starts repeating it silently to
himself. He does not have to repeat it at any particular speed or to
any special rhythm, such as his heart beat or his breathing. Other
thoughts can come into his mind—they almost invariably do—and the
mantra can slip away for a time, to come back a few seconds or a few
minutes later.
There are only a few rules for meditation. It must be done for 20
minutes (some people, for reasons that only their teachers know, are
prescribed only 15 minutes) in the morning and late afternoon or
evening, but it must never be done before going to bed. One couple who
violated the rule by meditating at 9:30 p.m. told TIME Reporter-
Researcher Anne Hopkins that they were so full of energy afterward
that they could not fall asleep until 4 a.m. It must never be done
immediately after a meal. Meditating can be done almost anywhere—on
trains, in cars, in hotel lobbies.
The only real no-no in meditating is trying. If you try to be a good
meditator, you will, paradoxically, almost certainly be a bad
meditator. Meditating, TM officials insist, cannot be forced, and it
must be done in all innocence, a word they use over and over again.
"If you list instructions, you can't do it," asserts Charles Donahue,
coordinator of TM's Northeast region. "It's like falling asleep. You
can tell someone what he has to do—brush his teeth, put on his p.j.s
and so on—before going to bed. But how do you describe the actual
process of falling asleep? You can't."
Even TM officials admit that 20% to 25% of the people who try TM give
it up after a while. Others claim the apostasy rate is still higher.
One of those who quit is Victor Zukowski, owner of a Sharon, Mass.,
beauty parlor. "Look, I really tried," he says. "I paid my $125,
attended all the sessions, and submitted to a ridiculous initiation
ceremony. I meditated for six months, and do you know what happened? I
fell asleep ev ery time. I just don't think it's right to charge
people $125 for nothing."
For many people, however, TM seems to work:
¶ Richard Nolan, 31, is a Democratic Congressman from Minnesota. "When
you are in the political arena," he says, "your day can start at 6 or
7 in the morning at a plant gate, and before you know it, it's 4 in
the afternoon and you still have hours of work in front of you. That's
when it is nice to meditate, so you can get the rest you need."
¶ Marilyn Forman, 40, is a housewife in Melville, Long Is land. When
she found herself screaming at her two children and wondering, "Why
can't I control myself?" she signed up for TM.
By the end of her second week she felt noticeably less tense and
realized that her "boiling point" had been raised to a reasonable
level. "Whatever TM does," she says, "it releases those pressured,
tense, harried feelings we all have from life today."
¶ Curly Smith, 53, a native Oklahoman, is now a land developer in
Boulder City, Nev., living "mighty fine"—enough to pilot his own Lear
jet. "I'm a very practical person," he says. "I found that with TM I
could take life's pressures better. My mind was clearer, and I had a
better disposition. The darndest thing about it is that all you have
to do is say your mantra twice a day.
Period. Everything else just falls into place. With me, I immediately
lost my taste for booze. I mean, my friends back in Okie City couldn't
believe that. Curly Smith not drinkin'. Lord Almighty!"
These glowing testimonials are reinforced by scientific studies that
at least partially back up TM's claims. The tests are relatively new
and not definitive enough to amount to final proof in the eyes of most
doctors, who are also made a little uncomfortable by the fact that
much of the research has been carried out under the auspices of the TM
organization or has been published by the Maharishi International
University Press. Among significant findings:
¶ Blood pressure drops. Working with 22 hypertensive patients for 63
weeks, two researchers from Harvard and U.C.L.A. found a significant
drop in systolic and diastolic blood pressure after the patients began
meditating.
¶ Oxygen consumption is as much as 18% lower during meditation,
according to a study by the same researchers. This denotes a marked
slowing of the metabolism.
¶ Alpha waves, produced by electrical activity in the brain and
generally associated with a feeling of relaxation, become denser and
more widespread in the brain during meditation.
This has been established in studies by a neurologist at Massachusetts
General Hospital in Boston and by two psychiatrists at Hartford's
Institute of Living.
¶ Other studies show meditators becoming less dependent on cigarettes,
liquor and drugs or hallucinogens of any kind.
The Federal Government has so far funded 17 TM research projects,
ranging from the effects of meditation on the body to its ability to
help rehabilitate convicts and fight alcoholism. Some companies even
think that TM can improve corporate efficiency. TM courses have been
given at, among others, AT&T, General Foods, Connecticut General Life
Insurance Co., Blue Cross/Blue Shield in Chicago, and the Crocker
National Bank of San Francisco.
The chief scientific challenge to TM is not that it is wrong but
rather that it is not the only meditative technique to benefit the
body. Says Dr. John Laragh, director of the cardiovascular unit at New
York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center in Manhattan and perhaps the
leading expert on hypertension in the U.S. (TIME cover, Jan. 13):
"I'm not sure that meditating has had any different effect on blood
pressure than relaxing and sitting on a couch and reading a book." To
find out, Laragh will soon conduct his own study of the effects of TM
on a group of hypertension patients. Cardiologist Herbert Benson of
Harvard Medical School, who collaborated on much of the original
scientific research on TM, now says that he has a method that gives
the same results; anybody can learn it in a minute, he says, without a
fee and without going to TM classes. "To say there is really only one
way to get the relaxation response is silly," says Benson, whose book
The Relaxation Response has just been published (Morrow; $5.95).
Simply stated, Benson recommends that the meditator sit down and, with
eyes closed, relax his muscles, beginning with his feet and working up
to his face. He then breathes only through his nose, and as he
breathes out, he says the word one silently to himself. With every
breath out he silently repeats "one," continuing for ten to 20
minutes.
"Anyone who claims exclusivity is immediately suspect," says
Psychiatrist Stanley Dean, summing up the chief scientific complaint
against TM. "The TM people's claim that theirs is the best of all
possible worlds is nonsense. It is a sales gimmick. Meditation has
been a way of achieving mental serenity through the ages, and they
have no patent on it. TM is an important addition to our medical
armamentarium, but it is not exclusive."
Other psychiatrists, always wary of anyone seeming to poach on their
preserve, say that the TM organization does not screen prospective
meditators and that the technique—especially a sequence of extra
meditations called "rounding"—might well cause unstable persons to go
over the edge.
Paradoxically, TM is also criticized for being too practical and not
meditative enough. Most Hindu gurus, for instance, teach one or
another form of yoga, which combines practical exercises with
meditation to achieve union with Brahma—the ultimate reality or
Absolute. Yoga itself is the Sanskrit word for a yoking, or union. The
various branches of Buddhist meditation—Zen and Tibetan, for example—
usually require great discipline and concentration to try similarly to
gain nirvana, that ineffable state of liberation and union with
ultimate reality in which suffering is eliminated and compassion and
wisdom are attained. "Transcendental Meditation does not reach the
stage of giving you awareness of your real self," complains Dr. Kumar
Pal, secretary of the Yoga Institute of Psychology and Physical
Therapy in New Delhi. "It is merely a technique, a very limited
technique, and it is not yogic because it lacks the prerequisites of
yogic meditation. A moral life is the sine qua non of yoga practice.
The students and admirers of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi have no need to
give up sex, liquor and other immoral habits. They are reveling in
immoral habits at the cost of basic moral values." TM, adds A.K.
Krishna Nambiar, publisher and editor of Spiritual India, "can make
you a better executive, but it cannot give you the spiritual ecstasy
that other, more spiritual meditation techniques do. It can never lead
the meditator to turya, the fourth and eventual stage of spiritual
ecstasy which is the final aim of meditation and which makes the
meditator one with and part of the universe."
On the other hand, some Jews and Christians, like the placard-carrying
fundamentalists in Los Angles last week, say that TM, despite its
claims to being purely secular, is really Hinduism in disguise. Their
argument has at least some merit, and though the ordinary meditator
sees traces of religion only in the initiation ceremony, the rites for
TM teachers are permeated with Hindu words and symbols.
The invocation, for example, reads in part: "To Lord Narayana, to
lotus-born Brahma, the Creator, to Vashishta, to Shakti, and to his
son, Parashar, to Vyasa, to Shukadava . . . I bow down . . . At whose
door the whole galaxy of gods pray for perfection day and night,
adorned with immeasurable glory, preceptor of the whole world, having
bowed down to him, we gain fulfillment."
Whatever it has borrowed from Hinduism, TM does owe something to
religious tradition, and all major religions—Christianity, Judaism and
Islam, as well as the Eastern faiths—at one time or another have
included both meditation and the repetition of a mantra-like word.
"Clasp this word tightly in your heart so that it never leaves no
matter what may happen," advised a 14th century Christian treatise,
The Cloud of Unknowing. "This word shall be your shield and your
spear."
Perhaps the most significant fact about the TM craze is that, in the
words of Krister Stendahl, dean of the Harvard Divinity School, it
suggests a "genuine hunger for mystical and religious experiences." It
is the most visible manifestation of the industrialized nations
looking for relief from the pressures of modern life in Eastern
spiritual or quasi-spiritual movements. The ideal of combining Western
technological society with Eastern spiritual serenity has long
appealed to many American and European victims of what they regard as
the tensions of the 20th century. Japan is sometimes cited as having
achieved that ideal, with tycoons coming home from the shipyard or
computer plant and slipping into their kimonos and into the serenity
of the past. This is possible in Japan because it has preserved the
framework of old traditions and values. Without those, TM or any
similar movement in the West can be at best palliative.
Judged on its own terms and used as a technique and not as a religious
panacea, TM works—at least for many. It will not necessarily make
people better, but it may very well make them feel better or, if
nothing else, think that they feel better.
And that is about as much as they can expect from 40 minutes a day.
* TM: Discovering Inner Energy and Overcoming Stress, by Harold
Bloomfield, Michael Peter Cain and Dennis T. Jaffe (Delacorte; $8.95),
and The TM Book, by Denise Denniston and Peter McWilliams (Price/Stern/
Sloan; $3 95). both in third place this week. Another book that deals
in part with TM, Adam Smith's Powers of Mind (Random House; $10), is
due later this month.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,947229,00.html
Mystics: Soothsayer for Everyman
Friday, Oct. 20, 1967
What do Shirley MacLaine, the Beatles, Mia Farrow and the Rolling
Stones have in common? The answer, as any tabloid reader knows by now,
is a starry-eyed devotion to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, a bearded Indian
guru who preaches a method of "transcendental meditation" that might
be summed up as how to succeed spiritually without really trying.
India, of course, has countless yogis, swamis, mystics and meditators
who variously expound Hinduism's belief that ultimate reality can be
known not through reason, but only through the soul's intuition of
itself. Though some of these holy men have managed to get a hearing
outside their own country, none has done so well in modern times as
the Maharishi (Great Sage), who had a considerable following even
before he met and conquered the Beatles last August while on a lecture
tour of England.
Peace Without Penance. Son of a government revenue inspector, the
Maharishi discovered his concept of transcendental meditation during
two years of seclusion in the Himalayan mountain village of Utar
Kashi. The Great Sage's explanation of his message is a trifle opaque:
"When the conscious mind expands to embrace deeper levels of thinking,
the thought wave becomes more powerful and results in added energy and
intelligence." In a word, some skeptics have suggested, "Think." All
that is required to achieve this state of "pure being," says the guru,
is a little reflective thought, preferably half an hour at a time for
beginners.
The Maharishi has been sharply criticized by other Indian sages, who
complain that his program for spiritual peace without either penance
or asceticism contravenes every traditional Hindu belief. His critics
are also upset by the Maharishi's claim that the Bhagavad Gita,
Hinduism's epic religious poem, has been wrongly interpreted by most
previous commentators. The Maharishi contends that its real lesson is
that "any man, without having to renounce his way of life, can enjoy
the blessings of all these paths" by simply following his own
meditative technique.
Perhaps because of its comfortable teachings, the Maharishi's
"Spiritual Regeneration Movement" has spread quickly outside India.
Transcendental meditation is now practiced by an estimated 100,000
followers in 35 countries from Denmark to New Zealand. Headquarters of
the spiritual empire is the Maharishi's academy on a shaded, 15-acre
site overlooking the sacred Ganges River at Rishikesh, 130 miles north
of New Delhi. When the guru, a bachelor, is not proselytizing about
the globe, he resides at Rishikesh in a simple, red brick bungalow,
where he often meditates for 20 or 30 days at a stretch. His bedroom
is air-conditioned.
Calm & Insight. Last week the academy was being spruced up in
preparation for the arrival of the Beatles. The Liverpool boys are
particularly enthusiastic about the convenience of the Maharishi's
method, since they can be regenerated without interrupting their
schedule. "You can close your eyes in the middle of Piccadilly and
meditate," exults George Harrison. The Beatles, who now meditate at
least once a day, are convinced that the guru's guidance has endowed
them with greater calm and insight.
The Maharishi evidently believes that his teachings are of special
spiritual benefit to affluent, tension-ridden Westerners. In Aalborg,
Denmark, last week, he defended his movement in couch-oriented terms.
"Modern psychology has pointed to the need of educating people to use
a much larger portion of the mind," said he. "Transcendental
meditation fulfills this need. And," he added sagely, "it can be
taught very easily."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,902143,00.html
INDIA: The Five Ms
Monday, May. 02, 1955
Among India's many primitive sects, one of the strangest is the
orgiastic Shakta. The five elements of Shakta worship are madya
(liquor), mamsa (meat), matsya (fish), mudra (grain), and maithuna
(sexual intercourse), and it has long been their custom to worship the
Hindu goddess Shakti by seeking unity of body and soul in communal sex
rites. Such is kanchalia dharam, the ceremony of the blouse.
In kanchalia dharam, the women place their upper garments in a large
earthenware jar and, after all have feasted and drunk, each man draws
out a garment and goes off with its owner, regardless of her marital
ties.
The Old Way. Nehru's modern India would like to change Shakta customs.
The government has sent community development officers into the
villages to instruct the Shaktas in modern farming and hygiene and to
teach them to read and write. The government men noted that the
ancient stone pillars embedded in stone rings —phallic symbols
worshiped by the Shaktas—were gathering moss in some villages, and the
officials concluded confidently that the old practices were on the way
out.
One day last week a 28-year-old Shakta named Odia Patel, clad only in
a loincloth, walked into a magistrate's office in Bali, a district of
Rajasthan in Northwest-Central India. In his hand he held a severed
human nose and a bloodstained knife. Said he: "This is my wife's nose.
I cut it off because she was unfaithful to me. And this is the knife I
used."
The Wedding Costume. Inquiry revealed that Odia's wife was a young
woman named Naji, who came from another village and was not herself a
Shakta. One night Odia told her to put on her wedding costume, a black
kanchalia and a billowing scarlet skirt, scarlet headshawl, heavy
silver bangles, toe rings and silver nose ring. Odia then placed on
her forehead a silver lingam, a highly stylized phallic symbol hung
from a silver chain, and led her to a place where, at the behest of a
guru (priest), 84 Shaktas and their wives had assembled in a secluded
place for the ceremony of kanchalia dharam.
Under the intoning guru's direction, the Shakta women and Naji took
off their blouses and put them in a large earthenware jar, and the
group drank liquor and feasted on goat flesh. But when Naji discovered
the meaning of the ceremony, she refused to participate further. "You
must take part in our sacrament," said the guru. Husband Odia also
insisted. When her blouse was drawn from the jar, Naji ran off into
the darkness.
Shamed by her performance, Odia followed her. "After I cut off her
nose," he told the police, "she begged forgiveness and asked me not to
report the matter to the police, but I refused to listen." When the
police reached Odia's hut, they found that Naji had hanged herself.
She had been faithful, after her own fashion.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866274,00.html
Unholy Mess: The Bhagwan faces a federal rap
Monday, Nov. 11, 1985
For a holy man, it was a world of trouble. There, in a third-floor
medical cell of the Mecklenburg County jail in Charlotte, N.C., sat
Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh last week, facing 35 counts of conspiring to
violate immigration laws. Back home in Rajneeshpuram, Ore., where he
ran a 1,300-member commune that espouses free love and the good life,
the Bhagwan (Revered One) was accustomed to more deferential
treatment, not to mention a more elegant life- style that offered,
among other amenities, no fewer than 90 Rolls-Royces.
Apparently tipped off that immigration charges against him had been
secretly handed up by a federal grand jury in Portland, the Bhagwan
departed forthwith from Rajneeshpuram. The guru and six disciples
chartered two Learjets and took off so quickly that their pilots had
to obtain final clearances while aloft. As the Bhagwan's retinue tried
to arrange a flight to Bermuda, Federal Aviation Administration
controllers tracked the planes. When Rajneesh's touched down at 2 a.m.
at Charlotte-Douglas International Airport, authorities arrested him.
In reported frail health from diabetes, assorted allergies and back
ailments, the Bhagwan was incarcerated in the prison infirmary.
Rajneesh's need for back surgery was the purported reason for his
coming to the U.S. from Poona, India, in June 1981. The surgery was
never performed, and Immigration and Naturalization Service officials
have charged him with lying about it. The Government also charged the
guru and seven of his aides with arranging sham marriages so that
foreign disciples could move to the U.S. as spouses.
Although the sect leader was accused of immigration-law violations,
INS Agent Joseph Green testified in Charlotte that the guru's
followers were plotting to kill the U.S. Attorney in Portland and the
Oregon attorney general if the Bhagwan was imprisoned. A week earlier,
an Oregon grand jury filed attempted murder charges against Ma Anand
Sheela, 35, the Bhagwan's former secretary. She had fled the commune
in September, prompting accusations from Rajneesh that she had
conspired to murder his physician. Sheela was arrested last week in
West Germany. In addition to the attempted murder indictment, she too
has been charged with violating U.S. immigration laws. If she can be
extradited to the U.S., she may rejoin her guru, not in the commune
she helped establish, but in a courtroom.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,960361,00.html
Books: Transcendence, Incorporated
By HP-Time.com;R.Z. Sheppard Monday, Dec. 24, 1979
KARMA COLA by Gita Mehta
Simon & Schuster; 201 pages; $9.95
The '60s introduced the medium as the message, and the '70s perfected
the package as the product. Both points converge in Karma Cola:
Marketing the Mystic East, where, from millenniums before Marshall
McLuhan and Ernest Dichter, the pitch has been that the substance is
the illusion. And vice versa: not long ago, an Indian airline promoted
a package tour with the slogan NIRVANA FOR $100 A DAY.
Gita Mehta's witty documentary satire illustrates that the cost can be
considerably higher. This is especially true for the thousands of
Europeans and Americans who have flocked to the Indian subcontinent in
search of enlightenment, cheap dope and, like the Californian who
turned her sadhana into a course on "inner environments," opportunity.
As reckoned by the Hindus and Gore Vidal, this dark, chaotic age of
Kali seethes with confusions, corruption and misapprehension. Karma,
for example, a rather severe concept of determinism, has been turned
into a metaphysical jelly bean by hippies, shopping-center swamis and
jet-lagged gurus. "Karma," writes Mehta, "is now felt as a sort of
vibration and Krishna is a doe-eyed pinup."
Mehta, 36, is an Indian-born, Cambridge-educated former teacher of
Greek tragedy. She has clarifying things to say about those who think
that life is a bed of roses and those who believe it is a bed of
nails: "For us [Hindus], eternal life is death—not in the bosom of
Jesus—but just death, no more being born again to endure life again to
die again. Yet people come in ever-increasing numbers to India to be
born again with the conviction that in their rebirth they will relearn
to live. At the heart of all our celebrations, which are still lively
and colorful, is the realization that we are at a wake. But the
tourists we draw because of that color and that liveliness appear to
think that they are at a christening."
The East not only accommodates Western delusions but also compliments
them with imitation. There are the lyrics of a popular Indian song
inspired by a movie that found God in a hash pipe: "Take a drag. Take
a drag. I'm wiped out./ Say it in the morning. Say it in the evening./
Hare Krishna Hare Rama Hare Krishna Hare Rama." There are also Western
notions on better transcendence through chemistry. Mehta notes that
young foreigners frequently sell their passports to buy drugs; the
documents are reported stolen and easily replaced at local embassies.
She also reports that villagers who refused to take smallpox
vaccinations 15 years ago are now "dropping uppers and downers with
the best of them," and "Benares looks set on replacing Bangkok as
Needle City, Asia."
Opium as the opiate of the people is not a new story; blending
religion, drugs and pop culture in an ancient culture is. When Allen
Ginsberg made his pilgrimage to India in 1962, his influence was
limited to the handful of people who read his poetry. When the Beatles
headed east in 1966-68, they affected tens of millions with their
celebrity and music. They also laid the foundations of the
international guru business. Mehta has an impish eye for the spirit
trade; a multinational convocation of celibates meets in Delhi under
the motto ROYALTY is PURITY PLUS PERSONALITY; downtown, hundreds of
Children of God are demonstrating for the principle of making love for
Jesus. A California touch therapist attends a session in an ashram
only to discover that his Indian counterparts use 2-ft.-long clubs.
The visitor emerges with a broken arm. At a Delhi football stadium the
followers of one guru await the miraculous proof of God from their
master. His evidence: "God exists because if you look in the Oxford
English Dictionary under the letter G, you will eventually find the
word God." The prize for Hindu chutzpah, however, goes to the master
who asked an ambassador's wife about the pain in her leg. "It has
never given any pain," replied the woman. The unflustered guru's
response: "Leg will be better now."
Not all Mehta's observations are that amusing. A French couple arrive
at their consulate with their dead baby. They demand and get money for
the infant's funeral but then leave the body at a crematorium with a
note that reads, "A Present for the French Consul." Hippies lie stoned
and malnourished on the beaches of Goa: a young European woman sits
for days in a stupor with her fatherless child hanging onto a withered
breast; a cult of ritual murderers, known as the Anand Marg, stalks
the streets for victims; an American would-be rabbi buys a six-year-
old waif from her father and is shocked when she attempts to
demonstrate her gratitude with sexual favors.
In only 201 pages, Mehta embraces an enormous variety of life and
death. Her style is light without being flip; her skepticism never
descends to cynicism. Given her subject this is a miracle of rational
ism and taste.
−R.Z. Sheppard
Excerpt
"At one morning session at the World Conference on the Future of
Mankind, the English-speaking delegates in Committee Room B were
discussing 'Science and Spiritual Wisdom.' After the third speaker, a
meteorologist, had delivered his speech, an earnest American student
stood up and asked,
'Sir? Isn't science leading us deeper and deeper into the possibility
of total self-annihilation?' The meteorologist hunched closer to the
microphone . . .
'Let us say there is a nuclear holocaust. What will it do? I shall
tell you what it will do. It will cleanse the world!
'Don't you understand? We are going toward a postnuclear, post-
Armageddon Golden Age!'
The American student nodded sagely and sat down, grasping the moral
significance of nuclear war for the first time."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,947140,00.html
Finding God on YouTube
Faith leaders of all flavors have discovered the video pulpit
Watch Video:
Dattatreya Siva Baba was first introduced to mainstream America years
ago when self-help writer Wayne Dyer dedicated a book to the Indian-
born guru. But Baba has since discovered a cultural mover even more
powerful than Dyer. Baba reports that some 3 million people have
viewed his clips since he began putting short versions of his
teachings up on YouTube 15 months ago. Whether expounding on the laws
of cause and effect, or the god Ganesha's birthday, the snowy-bearded
Baba sits in the same leopard-skin print chair; only his headgear
changes color. The clips usually pull in 6,000 viewers the day he
posts them. But "Guided Grace Light Meditation," which was posted in
July when he announced that astronomical phenomena indicated that the
world is due for a golden age, has been viewed on YouTube more than
300,000 times. "I think 300,000 people having that meditation every
day has a great impact on world consciousness," he says, adding, "I
have always wanted to reach the world inclusively so that people don't
have to pay to listen to me and I don't have to pay a lot of money."
Amen.
http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1847259_1847281_1847277,00.html
Religion: Junior Guru
Monday, Nov. 27, 1972
He is called Balyogeshwar Param Hans Satgurudev Shri Sant Ji Maharaj—
hardly a name likely to become a household word. A little over a year
ago only a handful of people outside India knew who he was. But last
fortnight, when Guru Maharaj Ji (as he is short-titled) flew from the
U.S. to New Delhi to celebrate a three-day festival in honor of his
late guru father, he was accompanied by seven jumbo jets filled with
new followers from the West. They were only a fraction of the number
he had left behind.
No venerable ascetic in flowing white beard and robes, the latest star
from the East to hit the guru circuit is a plump, cherubic 14-year-
old, lightly mustachioed with peach fuzz, his neatly trimmed black
hair slicked back. He dines on vegetables—liberally supplemented by
mounds of Baskin-Robbins ice cream. He does not practice yoga or
formal meditation (having surpassed, he says, the need for it), but he
has a passion for squirt guns and triple Creature Features horror
movies.
The Maharaj Ji's mother and three older brothers literally worship
him, kissing his "lotus feet" whenever they are in his presence. To
them as to his other followers, he is the "Perfect Master" and "Lord
of the Universe." By their testimony, the Maharaj Ji began, while
still a toddler, to deliver inspired satsangs (sermons)—and to amaze
the devotees of his father (then the Perfect Master) by awakening them
in the morning with the exhortation, "Get up, get up. Do meditation!
If you don't, I will beat you with a stick!"
Silver Steed. When his father died, the Maharaj Ji was eight. "I
didn't want to be the guru," he says. "I would have been satisfied to
be a mischievous little boy. But a voice came to me saying, 'You are
he; you are to continue.' " At the funeral, therefore, he confronted
his father's mourning flock: "Why are you weeping? The Perfect Master
never dies. Maharaj Ji is here, amongst you."
Four years later, in 1970, Guru Maharaj Ji inaugurated his
international mission with a triumphal ride through Delhi in a golden
chariot, trailed by miles of elephants, camels and devotees. In 1971
the master's American premies (loved ones) heralded his advent in the
U.S. with a press release stating: "He is coming in the clouds with
great power and glory, and his silver steed will drift down at 4 p.m.
at Los Angeles international airport, TWA Flight 761." That was enough
to attract a coterie of guru buffs and various other seekers. In
little over a year their number has swelled to some 30,000 youthful
followers who man "Divine Light" centers in 45 states.
The teen-age master suggests a stringent life-style for his devotees,
devoid of drugs, sex, tobacco and alcohol. In exchange he offers the
gift of knowledge designed to open the initiate's "third eye" of inner
awareness and thus bring him perpetual peace. Knowledge sessions
sometimes last twelve hours or more and are conducted by 2,000
delegated mahatmas throughout the world. "If you can become perfect,"
the Maharaj Ji told his disciples in Delhi's Ram Lila Grounds last
week, "you can see God. That's the way I did it."
A Great Kid. The premies adore their chubby guru, despite his
frustrating habit of showing up hours late for rallies or sometimes
not at all. "People who stick to their schedules become like a rock,"
he explains. As a mark of their devotion, his premies wear their hair
short and shave their beards. Makeshift barber chairs were set up in
Air India's lounge at Kennedy Airport in New York to shear some
lingering longhairs before the Divine Light pilgrims took off for the
Delhi festival. The grateful faithful have also laden their lord with
gifts, including a Rolls-Royce, a Mercedes and two private planes.
When he and his devotees landed in New Delhi, customs officials
thought they had caught the Perfect Master with an embarrassment of
riches—a suitcase containing diamonds and other jewels plus $65,000
worth of undeclared foreign currency. The guru's retainers claimed
that the money amounted to only $12,000 and represented excess funds
from their Divine Bank for travel expenses. The jewels, they said,
were the "gifts of devotees from many nations" to the Lord of the
Universe. Indian officials were unconvinced, and launched an
investigation.
The amiable young master remained unperturbed at the airport as he
smilingly greeted his followers from a marigold-decorated throne set
up on the back of a Jeep. "The amazing thing about him," said his
private secretary, Gary Girard of Los Angeles, "is that he can
meditate 24 hours a day no matter what is happening."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,944540,00.html
INDIA-PAKISTAN: The Trial of Kali
Monday, Oct. 27, 1947
On a bed of stretched thongs in an open courtyard in Lahore, half
naked, her head "wrung steeply back, her legs rigid in a convulsion as
of birth, a woman lay dead.
Under the law of the English, whose writ ran for a third of mankind,
it was fixed that whenever a person, however humble, died of violence
or even unexpectedly, public inquiry was made into the causes of his
death. If guilt seemed to fall upon another, a trial was held and
punishment sought lest murder, undetected or held lightly, spread.
In India and Pakistan since mid-August at least 100,000 have died, not
of germs or hunger or what the law calls "acts of God," but of brutal
slaughter. Scarcely one died in fair combat or with the consolations
of military morale.
No human tribunal ever conceived could try that case, with its clouds
of witnesses, the surging contagion of its guilt. Yet the mind,
squinting at the horror now that the tide of blood had washed back,
naturally cast the evidence in the familiar and dreadful form of The
Trial. The world, with one war still red under its nails and another
beating in its belly, knew, more or less subconsciously, that it would
have to build a prisoner's dock bigger than the subcontinent of India,
that the crime was not contained by geography, and that the less the
crime was understood the more it would infect the whole of humanity.
Before the Fact. The accused had many aliases; Satan and Evil were
two. In India, however, the accused was feared and terribly
propitiated by millions as Kali, goddess of death and catastrophe,
wife-conqueror of the eternal Siva, the dancer. Not in Kali's name
were the 100,000 killed. The Moslems despised her as a wretched idol.
The Sikhs* ignored her. Even most Hindus no longer participated in the
rites of Kali's priests, who dismembered goats (in lieu of human
victims), spraying the blood upon worshipers crowded in fields of
which Kali was mother, fructifier and scourge. Nevertheless Kali, the
Black One, could stand as symbol (or perhaps as scapegoat) for the
horror that had walked hand in hand with bright liberty into India.
Kali has been in India at least 50 centuries, long before Hinduism,
which gradually assimilated her. A few years after the Prophet Mohamed
sent Islam forth to conquer the world, Moslems appeared in India.
After the 11th Century they were masters, sometimes in fact but more
often in name, of the subcontinent. Some Moslems in India today
descend from the conquerors; more are the children of Islam's vigorous
proselytizing, and none the less fanatical for that.
Six centuries of Hindu political inferiority began to be reversed when
the great Sivaji in the mid-17th Century led his Marathas against the
Moslems. Thus, by the time the British reached India, both Hindu and
Moslem were deeply immersed in hate, deeply conscious of dispossession
before the British dispossessed both. Through all the changes, Kali,
both as mother and as evil, persevered, so that when freedom came
there were more Indians than ever to hate each other more intensively
than ever.
Corpus Delicti. If there had indeed been a Prosecutor to try the
enormous case of this murdered woman and the 100,000 other Indians, he
might have opened with a point of wide application.
An ancient Hindu holy book, the Vishnu Purana, he could recall, says
that the life of man will run in four cycles. The last is to be the
Age of Kali. It closes in, says the book, when "society reaches a
stage where property confers rank, wealth, becomes the only source of
virtue, passion, the sole bond of union between husband and wife,
falsehood the source of success in life, sex the only means of
enjoyment, and when outer trappings are confused with inner
religion."
Then the Prosecutor could turn to India: "Everywhere the armed and the
many devoured the helpless and the few. In Calcutta, in Lahore, in
Amritsar, in Old Delhi and New Delhi and throughout the magnificent
plain of the dismembered Punjab, in homes and shops and factories and
farms and villages and in the religious sanctuaries of all faiths,
amid the clotting of the terrified in depots and on guarded trains and
on lonely station platforms and in the vast shelterless encampments of
refugees and their hypnotized columns across the land, the devastation
raged alike among Hindus and Moslems and Sikhs.
"In the first six weeks of Independence, about half as many Indians
were killed as Americans died during nearly four years of the second
World War. There is still no possible numbering of the wounded and the
mutilated who survived, or of those who must yet die for lack of the
simplest medical facilities, or of so much as a roof over their heads.
It is unbearable, and unwise as well, to cherish memory of the bestial
atrocities which have been perpetrated by Moslem and Sikh and Hindu
alike. It is beyond human competence to conceive, far less to endure
the thought of, the massiveness of the mania of rage, the munificence
of the anguish, the fecundity of hate breeding hate, perhaps for
generations to come."
The Eyewitness. On this point, the witness Niranjan Singh, a Sikh,
testified. Singh, a few weeks ago a prosperous merchant in the
Montgomery district of the Punjab, now moves about New Delhi on
crutches. He said:
"I shall never rest until revenge is taken upon the Moslems for all
the wicked atrocities they have perpetrated upon innocent people.
Moslems killed my old father, abducted my young daughter, slew my son
and maimed my foot. No mercy whatsoever should be shown to them. I've
always treated my Moslem laborers with kindness but the dirty swine
have repaid me with brutality.
"I smelled trouble in my village when Moslems began gathering at the
mosque every day for long conferences. One morning Moslems from all
neighboring areas gathered around our village and attacked it. But
although we were outnumbered, we held them for eight hours. We had
only our kirpans [swords] and a few old rifles. They had modern
weapons. When finally they broke through, there was not one among us
who had not sustained some injury or other. The brutes killed my 90-
year-old father and when my young son rushed to his defense, they
speared him to death. I had been injured on my forehead and gushing
blood had made me partly blind. A young, cowardly Moslem attacked me
from behind with a hatchet, injuring my foot. Before I fell and
fainted, I saw some Moslems carrying away my 16-year-old daughter, who
put up stiff resistance.
"I was left among the dead for two days, dying of thirst, when at last
a Hindu battalion of the Indian Army visited our village and rescued
me. I insist revenge be taken on these traitors and brutes. We ought
to declare war on Pakistan."
The Madness. The Prosecutor said:
"The stone of murder spread like a huge wave. This outrage in
retaliation for that one and that in retaliation for still another,
and a new one in retaliation for the latest before it, and still a
newer in retaliation for that, another set aflame by the stories of
refugees and another still by pure rumor, and another in retaliation
for that and still another by rumor. The genius of India has ever been
for myth, not rationality: and no man's reason may be expected to
remain intact under the intricate chemistries of horror, heartbreak,
revenge, the vertiginous contagion of mobs, a thousand years'
collective, unconscious fertilization in allegiance to one faith and
culture.
"Mere rumor, which runs at its wildest under such circumstances, is
enough to dethrone reason; great terror, in a brave man or a cringer,
can turn loose adrenal energies which must exhaust themselves in
outrage and spoliation. It would be untrue to describe as a form of
religious madness, even in religious India, a madness which operates
also with equal fury among godless men. But where deep religiousness
is present it is inevitably used, inevitably adds its own peculiar
intensity."
The Bereaved. India's Premier Jawaharlal Nehru testified: "India has
disgraced herself in the eyes of the world."
The Prosecutor commented:
"The thousand million of Asia, lifting up their hands for freedom, had
looked to India for leadership. Now, East and West, hope is undermined
and confidence destroyed. India's killings, not instigated by any
alien force, are more morally burdensome upon Asia's cause than is
China's war."
Mahatma Gandhi's confidante, ex-secretary and the present Indian
Health Minister, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, testified: "Gandhiji is very
sad today. He has told me repeatedly that he is experiencing the pain
and anguish of a thousand daggers pierced in his body."
During the killing, Gandhi had warned that there was danger of open
war between India and Pakistan.
But the Prosecutor said:
"The world thought war was the ultimate horror, and civil war the
worst of wars. It is not. India is what Macaulay called it, a
'decomposed society.' Even the British could not establish law; they
merely kept order. A decomposed society cannot make war, which
requires law, authority, organization. India and Pakistan may progress
to the point where they can make war or even to the point where, being
able to make war, they will decide to live in amity. But in the six
weeks of the killing India and Pakistan were beneath war."
The Killers. The Court (which is composed of all men who want, for
their own self-preservation, to understand violence) needed
clarification of this point. One way of putting the court's question
was this:
"It has long been held that mass killing is the work of states, not of
peoples. War, some say, is caused by professional militarism, the
existence of large arsenals and the itch of governments to exercise
their most spectacular function. Similarly, the killing of 6,000,000
Jews in Europe was the work of a state, mad with its organized power.
Are you suggesting that the Indian killing sprang out of the people
themselves, out of the evil which you call Kali?"
The Prosecutor's answer: "Although leaders of the two states are, in
different degrees, responsible for agitating or at least for
misunderstanding the communal hatred, the appalling fact is that most
of the killing was unorganized and spontaneous. In this case, a rare
and significant one, the state power was not guilty. As for armaments,
the massacres in India and Pakistan were as far removed as possible
from modern war or from the gas chambers of Maidanek. The murderers
with whom we are dealing used knives, chisels, ropes, hockey sticks,
screwdrivers, bricks and slender fingers."
The Half Innocent. At least half innocent of the killing are the
leaders who had demanded liberty or death for India and got, by Kali's
black grace, both.
"When tragedy runs amok blame is universal, inextricable and
irrelevant. That the horror was deeper than the ideals or ambitions of
the leaders was ironically demonstrated when they tried to stop it.
Mohamed Ali Jinnah urged restraint, but the killing did not cease.
Gandhi fasted in Calcutta with ultimate local effect, but elsewhere
the killing did not cease. When he visited their sanctuary, 30,000
groaning Moslems virtually adored him, but the killing did not cease.
Nehru personally rescued two Moslem girls from a gang of Sikhs, but
the killing did not cease. A conference between Nehru and Pakistan's
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan ended in complete accord and the Joint
Defense Council ordered troops to fire on all rioters and looters, but
the killing did not cease. The newly communalized police force proved
ineffectual and sometimes took part in the riots, and the killing did
not cease. The newly communalized armies, now that the British troops
were inactivated, were like bodies from which the bones had been
drawn.
"At length, by no outward control or rational cause, but only because
destruction itself sickens, the violence quieted, for the time being,
at least."
Mohamed Ali Jinnah, Governor General of Pakistan, did not testify.
Seeing few, taking advice from none, he sulked in Karachi, the raddled
capital of his already half-ruined country. Of him, the Prosecutor
said:
"Jinnah is far too easy a villain: conceivably an obsessed child of
Mohamed conceivably a man seized in his declining years by that most
dangerous form of satyriasis which longs for naked power alone, Jinnah
has beyond question done more than any other man in India to
exacerbate the sores of communalism and to tease and torment their
rawness; and this purely to secure his nation, and a torn body for
India.
"Even so, he is much too shallowly accountable, and there are
extenuating circumstances. He is only a portion of Islam, and today
all Islam stirs. In India, moreover, his people are a minority,
largely an impoverished minority, and could by no means fully trust in
the majority's will; Congress Party leaders consistently ignored his
Moslem League in favor of Moslems he regarded as Congress puppets;
Nehru himself, Gandhi himself, must be held as sorely responsible for
underestimating the force that Jinnah tapped, just as Western leaders
for so long underestimated the evil wellspring that Hitler opened
up."
The Orphans. A witness who had seen the Punjab border between Pakistan
and India testified:
"At Wagah, a little town on the grand trunk highway between Amritsar
and Lahore on the Pakistan side of the border, armed Baluchi troops,
all certified Moslems from the frontier territory of Baluchistan,
called a loud halt to travelers trying to go through the border. A
mile down the road, at Atari, armed Dogras, who are a Punjabi Hindu
tribe, searched and checked all Pakistan-bound vehicles. The mile
between the two posts was no man's land. On the Pakistan side, just
behind an improvised guardhouse, a bulldozer was digging graves for
Moslem bodies which arrived from the India side of the frontier."
Another witness had been to the map room in New Delhi where the riots
had been spotted in the neatest Pentagon tradition, and where now,
still more incongruously, the tidy pins show columns of humanity
passing in opposite directions to escape their tormentors. Each column
has its thousands of unspeakable histories, yet on the map each exodus
is a mere number.
The Prosecutor summed up the evidence behind the maps:
"Men, women and children and bullocks and groaning carts were plodding
eastward and westward beneath the autumn skies and nights of the
cloven Punjab; past unharvested fields, past empty villages and
eviscerated villages and villages which resemble rained-out brush
fires. Huge, forlorn concentrations of Sikhs and Hindus labored
forward to leave the West Punjab forever. On one day last week,
columns No. 8 and 9 moved across the famous Balloki headworks between
Amritsar and Lahore and passed into the Indian Dominion; not far
behind, foot columns No. 10, 11 and 12 lumbered steadfastly eastward.
Carefully feeling its way around Amritsar, a foot convoy of perhaps
100,000 Moslems made towards Lahore and Jinnah's Promised Land, at a
rate of ten miles a day.
"One madly ironic note was furnished by a group of Jainist monks who
alighted from an airplane at New Delhi, their mouths and nostrils
scrupulously masked. Fleeing for their own lives, they had not
neglected a strange precaution of their sect. The Jains believe that
the air is a living thing and that they protect the air from injury by
filtering it through the masks as they breathe.
"At one village, on foot, a wretched gaggle of perhaps 100 refugees
arrived. One of them, a woman, was stripped of everything save a
clutched newspaper. Her companions were so stupefied by woe that it
had occurred to none of them to share their clothing with her.
"From Dasuya in Hoshiarpur district came a mass of 114,000 Moslems,
which branched into lesser columns and slowly diminished in the
direction of Bahawalpur State.
"The refugee movement each way is now at a rate of about 150,000 each
week; last week it was speeded up, for both Governments hope to finish
it off by mid-November. From the East Punjab into Pakistan, 2,550,000
Moslems have crossed, leaving 2,400,000 still to be evacuated;
2,275,000 Sikhs and Hindus have crossed from the West Punjab and the
North-West Frontier Province into their Dominion, leaving 1,800,000,
chiefly in isolated pockets, still to come. It is one of the great
exchanges of population in recorded history."
The Despoiled. An American witness testified:
"It is almost impossible to have a watch repaired in New Delhi now;
the watch craftsmen were Moslems. So were the tailors and the barbers,
the butchers, and the cooks, the waiters and bearers, the rug dealers,
and the drivers of tongas and taxicabs.
"In Lyallpur, Moslem shopkeepers refuse to sell durable goods, because
the increasing scarcity is sure to force the price up; moreover, even
if the shopkeeper did sell, he would have no place to bank the money
(for Hindus and Sikhs were the bankers) and no wholesaler from whom to
buy more goods (for Hindus and Sikhs were the wholesalers). In Lahore,
on the other hand, there is a corrupt buyers' paradise in looted
goods. A refrigerator goes for 100 rupees ($30), a radio for 30.
Parker "51" fountain pens, which used to sell for 60 rupees, now go
for 5. "There is no economic exchange between Pakistan and India.
India may survive this schism; Pakistan cannot. Almost its whole
middle class, which was Hindu, has fled. The literacy rate, never
higher than 9%, is now less than half that. Pakistan's Government is
not able to support more refugees. It is trying to shut off the flood.
Moslems who hear that Pakistan will not let them enter are embittered
and terrified."
The Threatened. Another witness had talked to rich Hindus who last
week had begun fleeing into Calcutta from Eastern Pakistan. These
Hindus, he said, reported increased activity of the Moslem League
National Guard organizations. If terrorism breaks out in northeast
India, where 13,000,000 Hindus live, the carnage might be unimaginably
greater than in the Punjab.
And had the Punjab killing ended, or was it merely suspended? Two
weeks ago Master Tara Singh, leader of the Sikhs, estimated that the
killing would last three more months and that 500,000 Hindus and Sikhs
and as many Moslems would die of murder, epidemic and starvation. In
another statement, Tara Singh gave this grisly forecast an algebraic
twist. He pointed out that fleeing Sikhs (who are richer) had left six
million acres of land, while an equal number of fleeing Moslems had
left only two million acres. His proposal: drive enough Moslems from
their farms to balance the property exchange.
The Motive. At this point the Attorney for the Defense addressed the
court:
"Do not forget that for centuries Moslem and Hindu and Sikh lived side
by side, if not in harmony, at least in uneasy tolerance. It is true
that over the centuries, from time to time, they killed and rioted and
even fought great wars, but not more often or more fiercely than
peoples elsewhere. This in spite of India's abysmal poverty which
turns men against one another, in spite of the enraging climate,
either osmotic dust or illimitable ooze.
"If this society, stable enough to breed 400 million men, is
decomposed, then forces outside the peoples of India, not within them,
must be to blame."
The Prosecutor answered: "Hindu and Sikh and Moslem tolerated each
other, insofar as they did so, not through love or virtue but because
each community was aware that its rival did not possess the power to
coerce it into a hated way of living. Neither the Rajputs, nor the
Moguls, nor the British ever established in India a state whose police
reached out to the ordering of people's daily lives. Now, with
independence, with the possibility of modern states, each community
saw behind the other the shadow of the policeman and the propagandist.
The Indian communities rushed into violence not to seize power, but
out of the fear of the power that was about to fall into the hands of
others. And this is a primal fear, deeper than rivalries between such
nations as have already known and submitted to police power wielded in
their own names."
The Guilt of Innocence. The Defense Attorney tried again. He recalled
how the subcontinent had been brought to freedom by good men,
nonviolent men, men above superstition and narrow sectarian hatred.
How could such evil come from a victory won by moral force alone?
And how equally admirable, he said, was it that Britain, another great
and ancient nation, even grander and far more benign in her twilight
than Imperial Rome before her, had at length bowed before that moral
force in a moral beauty as unprecedented and still more graceful. The
Defense Attorney recalled the midnight ceremonies of India's
manumission in New Delhi two months ago as extraordinarily touching,
the action itself as one of history's rare moments of good will and
good hope.
The Prosecutor did not deny the point. But, said he:
"Gandhi and Nehru and their like, innocently intent upon their lofty
goal, ascribed communal strife to British machination, so blinding
themselves that, in all good faith, they assumed that once liberty was
achieved, communal violence would immediately cease, and brotherhood
and British guilt prove themselves thenceforth.
"Thus, not in spite of innocence but because of it, blood appeared;
and not the jubilant blood of birth alone, but blood more especially
pleasing to Kali, who is both mother and demolisher. India tore
herself in two in the womb as a condition to being born at all. Even
in the womb, the two unborn nations tore at each other, and from the
instant they were born they fell upon each other in maniacal fury."
Thrones & Altars. The fury, now apparently spent, might be renewed to
pour in fresh evidence against Kali. Of the 562 princely states,
danger lay in three which stood apart from both India and Pakistan.
One was little Junagadh, whose dog-loving Moslem Nawab* has announced
for Pakistan against the wishes of most of his subjects, who are 80%
Hindu. One was Kashmir, most of whose people are Moslem, but opposed
to Jinnah's Moslem League. The third was fabulous Hyderabad, whose
Nizam had a good chance of maintaining his state's independence.
India's Deputy Prime Minister Vallabhbhai Patel is applying pressure
on all three states; of the Government's top ministers Patel is the
most outspokenly anti-Moslem, although he is more moderate than
extremist Hindu "Brownshirt" groups. Troops of both India and Pakistan
are actually near Junagadh's borders.
Or renewal of the fury might come from, an utterly unpolitical cause.
This week, in tense Calcutta and elsewhere in Bengal, worshipers of
the goddess Durga will celebrate her festival with clay images and
ceremonial parades. Durga is the good side of the same ambivalent
goddess of which Kali is the evil face.* In this same week Moslems
will celebrate Id-el-Atha, their version of the story of Abraham and
Isaac. Usually they sacrifice cows, but this week many, lest the
Hindus be offended, plan again to sacrifice sheep.† Even so, the two
coincident festivals might touch off killing in Bengal, which, along
with Bihar and the United Provinces, is considered the next great
danger spot.
The Sky & the Sea. Whether the killing remained suspended or was
mercifully at an end or was to be tragically revived, India was not to
be singled out for condemnation or contempt. No nation had ever come
into the world without bloodshed. In every process of hope, ambition,
confused value, self-deceit, India is merely the world in small, and
one more terrible warning to the conscience of the world. India's
gravest error, her deepest sin, is rampant in all the world and never
so madly so as in those portions of the world which call themselves
"modern": the incapacity of those who desire to lead people, whether
for power or in the highest of good will, to know, love, fear,
respect, or even to imagine, what human beings are.
Said the Prosecutor, in closing: "Yet, in spite of Kali the Destroyer
and because of Kali the Mother, India has been and is a great and
ancient land, a wellspring and tabernacle of some of the most inspired
conceptions of the divine will in man which man has ever dreamed of;
and more lately a fount of brotherhood and, among the nations, a
preacher of peace. If India could descend to the depths, it could also
look up to moral Himalayas. Its recent sin was great, but not unique,
especially not unique in origin. It sprang from Kali, from the dark
and universal fear which rests in the slime on the blind sea-bottom of
biology."
*A Hindu reformist sect founded by Guru Nanak, a contemporary of
Luther. *The Nawab Saheb of Junagadh once threw away 100,000 rupees on
the wedding of his prize Airedale bitch, which wore ribbons to the
ceremony; vows were read for her and her dog. *In 1802, after the
Peace of Amiens, a group of British residents of Calcutta presented
the temple of Kali with 5,000 rupees as a thank offering for victories
over Napoleon. A century later Kali became a symbol of anti-British
Indian nationalism, a place to which Mahatma Gandhi succeeded. That
this substitution was only temporary was indicated not only by the
killing but by Gandhi's recent loss of popularity among Hindus.
Because he preached communal peace, Hindu extremists last week had
begun to call him "the Mudathma," meaning "stupid one." †Until about a
century ago, the sheep was customary. The cow was a vindictive,
communal-minded substitution.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,854810,00.html
Religious Unrest in India
By Simon Robinson/New Delhi Friday, May. 18, 2007
While India's image makers may want the world to believe that business
is the country's new religion, for many here there are older faiths —
and faith-driven feuds — that matter more. At least five people were
killed Friday in the southern city of Hyderabad, when a bomb exploded
in a mosque crowded with worshipers attending Friday prayers. Police
say they found and defused two other bombs close by. So far, no one
has claimed responsibility for the attack.
The timing of the bombing may be linked to the sentencing Friday of
100 people convicted of playing a role in a series of deadly blasts in
Mumbai (formerly Bombay), in 1993. Those attacks, which killed 257
people, were carried out by the Muslim-dominated Mumbai underworld to
avenge earlier religious riots that had left 2,000 people dead. But
the authors and motive of Friday's mosque bombing could remain a
mystery. Months after last year's bomb attacks that killed more than
35 people near a mosque in the western state of Maharashtra, there are
still no suspects beyond vague police suggestions.
Elsewhere, across the north of the country, rival Sikh groups clashed
for the fourth straight day after the leader of one sect dressed, for
a newspaper advertisement, in a fashion similar to the much adored
17th century Sikh figure Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Sikh guru.
Enraged Sikhs from other sects attacked properties belonging to the
Dera Sacha Sauda, whose leader Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh had committed
the perceived religious insult. The clashes have killed two people and
injured at least 30, and the national government has sent in troops to
stop further unrest. "The sect chief has committed a grave offense by
trying to imitate Guru Gobind Singh," said Sikh writer Kharak Singh.
"He must issue an unconditional apology. A stubborn attitude will
precipitate matters."
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who happened to be opening a conference
on interfaith harmony Friday, said that there is no place for
religious intolerance in India. "Any political formation trying to
incite people in the name of religion, whatever religion, is in fact
betraying both religion and our constitution," the Prime Minister
said. All nations, "big and small will have to come to terms with
their growing internal diversity. No modern and open society can be a
monolith."
So why the recurring religious unrest in India? Moderate Muslim
activist J.S. Bandukwala says that "to a great extent" India has
resolved the question of religious identity which had split the
country for decades. "But in such a huge population it's so easy for
someone to plant a bomb and cause chaos," he says. "I don't think
there's anything police can do to stop this sort of thing."
Bandukwala, a physics professor in Gujarat, a western state torn by
bloody communal riots in 2002, has long campaigned against religious
extremism and for moderation and debate. While he sees progress, in
part because of the rising middle class in India, Bandukwala says "on
religious issues people get very quickly built up in this part of the
world. If anybody wants to create a problem they just have to insult
an iconic figure or plant a bomb and you see the results." In some
ways, he says, "it's remarkable that India has evolved into a mature
democracy after just 60 years."
Not just a mature democracy but a vibrant, fast-growing economy. The
world has come to know a new India over the past few years, a place of
outsourcing and hi-tech start-ups, of software engineers and steel
barons. We expect such places to be shiny and secular and scientific,
focused on technological breakthroughs and making money. We don't
expect religious riots and communal clashes and bombings. In India,
full of paradoxes and wonderful, frustrating inconsistencies, you have
both: hi-tech business parks and age-old religious grudges; software
savvy alongside sectarian brutality. Resolving those contradictions
may well decide India's future.
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1622914,00.html
Religion: Yogi Bhajan's Synthetic Sikhism
Monday, Sep. 05, 1977
The leader of 3HO inspires devotion—and hostility
Nine years ago, he was an anonymous yoga teacher who owned little but
a suitcase full of beads. Today he earns over $100,000 a year in
lecture fees as Yogi Bhajan, the "Supreme Religious and Administrative
Authority of the Sikh Religion in the Western Hemisphere." Thousands
of American disciples in his Healthy-Happy-Holy Organization ("3HO")
revere the robust, bearded Bhajan as the holiest man of this era. With
equal fervor, opponents denounce him as a charlatan and a heretic.
The kind of Sikhism preached by Bhajan, 48, an Indian born in what is
now Pakistan, is far different from that practiced by 10 million
Indians. Sikhism, a blend of reformed Hinduism and Islam, is practical-
minded, allows democratic election of its priests, and abhors
personality cults. Bhajan's powerful personality is central to his
sect, and ambition has driven him far since his days as an unknown
customs officer at the Delhi airport.
In 1968 Bhajan emigrated to Toronto, later that year moved to Los
Angeles and eventually started his own ashram—spiritual commune—in a
garage. Although India's Sikhs are renowned as meat eaters, Bhajan has
insisted that his followers be strict vegetarians. While yoga is not
part of Sikhism, Bhajan teaches the practice, and not the mild form
widespread in the U.S. but Tantrism, a strenuous, mystical variety
practiced by men and women in pairs. Claiming to be the only living
master of Tantrism, Bhajan stresses Kundalini yoga, which supposedly
releases secret energy that travels up the spine. He reveals breathing
and massage techniques said to improve sexual performance. And he
preaches: "The man who ties a turban on his head must live up to the
purity of the whiteness and radiance of his soul."
Undeniably, Bhajan has struck some kind of chord. There are now 110
ashrams of various sizes in the U.S., Canada, and overseas. The yogi
claims to have won some 250,000 followers, but a more realistic
estimate would place the number of zealots at several thousand,
although many more flock to his meetings. Bhajan's base is a well-
groomed 40-acre ranch near Espanola, N. Mex., where his quarters are
said to feature a domed bedroom and a sunken bath. Neighbors are
nervous about 3HO's expensive land purchases in the area.
Less visible than the cymbal-clanging Hare Krishnas, the 3HO disciples
rival them in devotion. Men and women alike follow the Sikh traditions
of not cutting their hair and bearing symbolic daggers, combs and
bracelets. Ashram members rise at 3:30 a.m. to practice yoga and
meditate, sometimes while staring at a picture of Bhajan. They often
work twelve hours a day on low salaries and skimpy diets at 3HO small
businesses, such as landscaping companies, shoe stores, and quality
vegetarian restaurants. Full-fledged initiates follow Bhajan's every
dictum on diet, medical nostrums, child rearing, even orders to marry
total strangers. Guru Terath Singh Khalsa, who is his lawyer and
spokesman, says that Bhajan is "the equivalent of the Pope."
For most of the converts, the discipline of Bhajanism seems to have
rilled a deep spiritual vacuum. Many are in their mid-20s and come
from upper-middle-class homes. A number had been dependent upon LSD
and marijuana; the movement claims that all have broken the habit.
The adherents are flushed with the rosy beauty of new faith. "We got
involved in Sikhism so we could re-establish a direction in our lives
based on real principles," a young Jewish woman at a Los Angeles
ashram told TIME Correspondent James Wilde.
Chimed in an ex-Catholic who misses the Latin Mass: "The
demystification of the church turned me off." Even a Massachusetts
girl who has broken with the movement says wistfully, "At the ashram
we had the nucleus of a real family. It was one of the most beautiful
things I have ever experienced."
Bhajan has important backers in India. High Priest Guruchuran Singh
Tohra, president of the management committee for northern India's Sikh
temples, confirms that his council has given "full approval" to 3HO
and recognizes the yogi as a preacher. Tohra, however, says that this
does not mean Bhajan is the Sikh leader of the Western Hemisphere, as
he claims. The Sikhs do not create such offices. Nor, Tohra adds, has
the committee given Bhajan the rarely bestowed title, Siri Singh Sahib
(the equivalent of saying "Sir" three times), which he uses.
Bhajan has his critics—and they are severe. Many traditional Sikhs
insist that yoga has no place in their religion. Sikh Historian
Trilochan Singh says Bhajan's synthesis of Sikhism and Tantrism is "a
sacrilegious hodgepodge." Far more important, High Priest Jaswant
Singh, a leader of the Sikhs in eastern India and comparable in status
to Bhajan Backer Tohra, last week denounced Bhajan's claims. He and
his council professed to be "shocked" at Bhajan's "fantastic
theories." Yoga, Tantrism and the "sexual practices" taught by Bhajan,
the council declared, are "forbidden and immoral."
There are more delicate matters at issue, many raised by people who
knew Bhajan when. Judith Tyberg, respected founder of Los Angeles'
East-West Center, where Bhajan briefly gave courses, questions his
knowledge of Kundalini yoga. She fired him from her faculty after
three months for another reason —which she refuses to divulge.
Bhajan has repeatedly been accused of being a womanizer. Colleen
Hoskins, who worked seven months at his New Mexico residence, reports
that men are scarcely seen there. He is served, she says, by a coterie
of as many as 14 women, some of whom attend his baths, give him group
massages, and take turns spending the night in his room while his wife
sleeps elsewhere.
Colleen and her husband Philip, Bhajan's former chancellor, who quit
last year, say they could no longer countenance Bhajan's luxurious
life-style when so many of his followers had to scrimp along.
Filmmaker Don Conreaux, an early apostle, says that originally the
yogi was "against titles, against disciples. Now he teaches only
obedience to him." When Philip Hoskins quit last year, he says, Bhajan
told him he would suffer 84 million reincarnations and be "reborn as a
worm for betraying your teacher."
The current chancellor insists that Bhajan "lives in a moderate
manner," and asserts that reports of illicit affairs and of women in
the yogi's bedroom are "absolutely untrue." Yogi Bhajan himself was
unwilling to grant TIME an interview until he visits India this month
with a group of disciples for a Sikh festival. When he arrives there,
the "Supreme Authority" of the Sikh religion in the Western world may
have to answer a few questions from his fellow Sikhs about the kind of
religion he is preaching—and practicing.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,915413,00.html
Austrian Murder Sparks Protests in India
By Madhur Singh / New Delhi Tuesday, May. 26, 2009
Followers of Dalit leader Guru Ravi Das Sabha brandish swords, steel
rods and bamboo sticks during a protest in Amritsar, India, on May 25,
2009
Altaf Qadri / AP
Caste rivalries and a fight over offerings at a cash-rich Sikh temple
in Vienna echoed far and wide on Monday as sectarian violence once
again erupted in India's Sikh-majority state of Punjab. At least two
people have been killed and 14 injured since news reached Punjab
yesterday via text messages and mobile phones that a Sikh preacher of
a lower-caste sect, 57-year-old Sant Rama Nand, had been shot dead in
a clash in a temple in Austria. Thousands of lower-caste Sikhs took to
Punjab's streets armed with swords and batons, burning buses and
blocking trains. A curfew was imposed in five Punjab towns, and
military and paramilitary forces have been called into the state. The
situation remains tense today as the authorities try to arrange to
have the slain preacher's body flown directly to his village for
cremation.
Over the years, the quaint little gurdwara on the Rudolfsheim Street
on the outskirts of Vienna has become a hub of Sikh separatists who
supported an insurgency in Punjab during the 1980s and 1990s. The
insurgency was eventually stamped down by an iron-fisted state, and
many of its supporters sought and received political asylum in Europe.
As Austria's legal South Asian community has become more established,
thousands of illegal Sikh migrants from all over Europe have
gravitated there. "The gurdwara was lush with offerings from a
nostalgic and large-hearted diaspora," says Ramesh Vinayak, who heads
the Punjab edition of the national daily Hindustan Times, and who
visited the Vienna gurdwara in 2005. (See photos of India's Nehru
dynasty.)
Around the same time, the Ravidasias, a lower-caste community who are
not considered Sikhs though the groups share some similarities,
including worship in gurdwaras, swelled in numbers among Austria's
Indian diaspora. Disgruntled lower-caste youths from an increasingly
prosperous Punjab — where the landed castes have been reaping the
benefits of the Green Revolution since the 1950s and 1960s — were
making their way to Europe in droves. "What we see now is a result of
rising Dalit assertion," says Vinayak. "The lower castes set up their
own gurdwara, splitting the congregation and the [revenue from the]
offerings. The pro-Khalistanis (those supporting a separate Sikh
nation) at the older gurdwara felt threatened." Those tensions came to
a head this Sunday when management of the new gurdwara invited some
preachers of Dera Sach Khand, a Ravidasia sect, to address the
congregation. A violent clash ensued, in which Baba Rama Nand was shot
and 15 people were injured. Baba Rama Nand later died in hospital.
(Read "Five Challenges Facing India's Election Victors.")
When news of the killing began to trickle into Punjab, state
authorities went on alert. Although there is no specific history of
Ravidasia-Sikh violence in Punjab, violence has taken place between
followers of various sects across the state, mostly with support of
lower castes among both the Sikhs and non-Sikhs. By Monday afternoon,
large-scale rioting spread to six districts, leading Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh, himself a Sikh, to issue a televised appeal. "Invoking
the teachings of the Gurus, I appeal to all sections of people in
Punjab to maintain peace," he said. The situation has spun out of
control before. In May 2007, a prominent sect leader with significant
political links, Gurmeet Ram Raheem Singh of Dera Sacha Sauda, had
invited the ire of the Sikh masses when he addressed a congregation
dressed as the tenth Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh, which is against Sikh
tenets. Ram Raheem Singh's support base is primarily among the lower
castes. At least one person was killed and over a hundred injured in
the six days of violence that followed.
The events in Punjab — and thousands of miles away in Austria — point
to a broader problem: the dangerous mix of inequitable development and
enduring caste-based resentment. The northern state has a higher than
national average population of Scheduled Castes, an umbrella term for
various lower castes, with 28.95% in Punjab against India's average of
16%. "Dalit Sikhs and Ravidasias, especially in the fertile Doaba belt
which sends out a large number of immigrants, have seen immense
prosperity lately, and with it, a rising Dalit consciousness and
assertion," says Dr. Ronki Ram, reader in the Department of Political
Science at Panjab University in Chandigarh, who has recently authored
a paper on the topic. This assertion has found a voice in hundreds of
little sects that have sprung up all over the state, enmeshing socio-
economic struggle with religion in a lethal combination. It is ironic
that Sikhism, the dominant religion of the state, was born in the 15th
century with a promise of equality for all genders, classes and
castes, since a growing inequality among its followers is causing so
much unrest. "The social milieu is lacking equality," says Ram. "That
is the root of the problem."
(See photos of India's slumdog entrepreneurs.)
http://www.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1877000,00.html
Watch "The Real Slum Of Slumdog."
http://www.time.com/time/video/player/0,32068,13419832001_0,00.html
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1900882,00.html
Love Guru: Transcendent ... Not!
By Richard Corliss Thursday, Jun. 19, 2008
Mike Myers' signature shtick is the grin and shrug of a little boy
who's just said something naughty or possibly made fart bubbles in the
bathtub, and who relies on charm to get away with it. He used it on
Saturday Night Live as young Simon, of course, and as basement TV host
Wayne Campbell, and once or twice as Linda Richman. Austin Powers
occasionally flashed that someone-stop-me grin through his misshapen
English teeth. (Dieter the German performance artist and Shrek, not so
much.) The Cat in the Hat was nothing but irritating-ingratiating
impishness. And for the longest time — it's nearly two decades since
he joined SNL — when Myers smiled, audiences smiled back. They were
his co-conspirators in preadolescent aggression.
That may change this weekend with the debut of The Love Guru, Myers'
first time on screen since 2003. The headlines of early reviews are
the sort that give publicists migraines: "Sheer Self-Indulgence," "No
Enlightenment, Few Laughs," "Lame Self-Help Romp" and "Guru Is Doo-
Doo." About the only encouraging words so far are from Indian and
Indian-American journalists, who had been primed to hate the movie
from advance reports that its treatment of Hindu and Hindu-esque
teacher-preachers — especially of the best-selling, evangelistic,
Deepak Chopra variety — would be derisory. Those reviewers are saying,
basically, that The Love Guru is not as awful as they thought it would
be.
That's where I am, though not for religious reasons. Mostly I'm in
synch with the Myers character: Maurice Pitka, a goofy innocent who
loves potty humor but has a generous heart. He's not far from Adam
Sandler's Zohan, another sweet soul with a few personality defects. A
North American kid raised in India, Maurice at 13 came under the
tutelage of a cross-eyed swami (Ben Kingsley, giving the goose to his
Oscar-winning Gandhi). "I want to become a guru so people will like
me," young Maurice tells his master, "so I will love myself." I find
such self-knowledge, not to mention self-absorption, appealing in the
nakedness of its need.
Soon Maurice is an adult in L.A., a hit on the lecture circuit and the
author of such popular tomes as If You're Happy and You Think It,
Think Again and Stop Hitting Yourself. Stop Hitting Yourself. Why Are
You Still Hitting Yourself? Pitka is famous, but, he thinks, not
famous enough. Rather like the Sean Penn guitarist in Woody Allen's
Sweet and Lowdown, who realizes he's no Django Reinhardt, Pitka
rankles at being No. 2 to Chopra. His manager (John Oliver of The
Daily Show) convinces him that he can get on Oprah if he can just
restore the frayed marriage of Darren Roanoke (Romany Malko), a
Toronto Maple Leafs star whose wife is having an affair with banana-
schlonged goalie Jacques "Le Coq" Grande (Justin Timberlake). This
brings him in contact with Maple Leafs owner Jane Bullard (Jessica
Alba).
I acknowledge that the movie's stabs at wit are not so much sophomoric
as freshmanic. In his Indo-American accent, Pitka asks Darren, "What
is it you cahn't face?" (cahn't rhyming with hunt — your kids will
explain the joke to you). And even at 80 minutes or so, The Love Guru
is overly long and repetitious, unable to sustain its comic conceit.
You'll recognize this failing in movies with other graduates of SNL.
Trained at the Second City improv company, blossoming on late-night
TV, they created or inhabited recurring characters who had five
minutes to establish themselves. Even the most amusing of these
characters, if they were to be expanded, were suited more to half-hour
sitcoms than to feature films. But that's where the Blues Brothers,
the Coneheads, Stuart Smalley, Pat, Mary Katherine Gallagher and the
Roxbury guys went, not always justifying their films' running time.
Leaving SNL for movies means you can't go back, which deprives the
show of some brilliant sketch talent — Dan Aykroyd, Joe Piscopo,
Martin Short, Molly Shannon, Dinitra Vance, the irreplaceable Phil
Hartman — and consigns those actors to movies and TV shows that don't
show them off to their best advantage.
Wayne's World was one of the few SNL movie spin-offs that worked. It
set Myers on a mostly successful Hollywood career, whose strangest
entry, the indie 54 (in which he played Studio 54 co-owner Steve
Rubell), was also the most promising. But Myers didn't do any other
dramatic parts, maybe because so much money was thrown his way to keep
reprising Austin Powers and Shrek. And it's taken him longer and
longer to devise new characters. Pitka is his first in movies since
Austin Powers (and Dr. Evil) in 1997.
I like parts of The Love Guru because they sometimes take the form of
an Indian musical, with Myers' sitar strumming becoming the bass line
for the Dolly Parton song 9 to 5 and he and co-star Alba giving their
all to a Bollywood-style dance number. I approve of the opening
narration in the stately tones of Morgan Freeman, which turns out to
be Myers speaking into a "voice-over box" set on the "Morgan Freeman"
key. And I'm a big fan of Timberlake's farce skills; he shows here
that he has a future in movies, at least as the guy who can upstage
the star comic. (Other guest stars either show up fleetingly, like
Jessica Simpson, Kanye West, NHL star Rob Blake and Chopra himself, or
are used to ill effect, like Stephen Colbert as a hockey announcer.)
So, as much as I'd like to, I cahn't join the chorus of critical
contumely. The Love Guru is a shambling, hit-or-miss thing, like an
old Laurel and Hardy two-reeler. And like the situations those comics
often got into, this movie is a fine mess.
http://www.time.com/time/arts/article/0,8599,1816243,00.html
Lal Bahadur Shastri
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lal Bahadur Srivastava Shastri شاستری بڈھا
3rd Prime Minister of India
In office
9 June 1964 – 11 January 1966
President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
Preceded by Gulzarilal Nanda
Succeeded by Gulzarilal Nanda
Born 2 October 1904(1904-10-02)
Mughalsarai, United Provinces, British India
Died 11 January 1966 (aged 61)
Tashkent, Uzbek SSR
Birth name Lal Bahadur Srivastava
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Lalita Shastri nee Devi
Occupation Academic, Activist
Religion Hindu
Lal Bahadur Srivastava Shastri (Hindi: लालबहादुर शास्त्री شاستری
بڈھا , pronounced [laːl bəˈhaːdʊr ˈʃaːstriː]; 2 October 1904 - 11
January 1966) was the third Prime Minister of the Republic of India
and a significant figure in the Indian independence movement.
Early life
Lal Bahadur was born in Mughalsarai, United Provinces, British India
to Sharada Srivastava Prasad, a poor school teacher, who later became
a clerk in the Revenue Office at Allahabad[1] and Ramdulari Devi. When
he was three months old, he slipped out of his mother's arms into a
cowherder's basket at the ghats of the Ganges. The cowherder, who had
no children, took the child as a gift from God and took him home. Lal
Bahadur's parents lodged a complaint with the police, who traced the
child, and returned him to his parents[2].
His father died when he was only a year and a half old. His mother
took him and his two sisters to her father's house and settled down
there[3]. Lal Bahadur stayed at his grandfather Hazari Lal's house
till he was ten. Since there was no high school in their town, he was
sent to Varanasi where he stayed with his maternal uncle and joined
the Harischandra High School. While in Varanasi, Shastri once went
with his friends to see a fair on the other bank of the Ganges. On the
way back he had no money for the boat fare. Instead of borrowing from
his friends, he jumped into the river and swam to the other bank[4].
As a boy, Lal Bahadur loved reading books and was fond of Guru Nanak's
verses. He revered Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Indian nationalist, social
reformer and freedom fighter. After hearing a speech of Mahatma Gandhi
at Varanasi in 1915, he dedicated his life to the service of the
country[5]. He also dropped his surname Shrivastav, as it indicated
his caste and he was against the caste system[1]. During the non-
cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1921, he joined processions
in defiance of the prohibitory order. He was arrested but let off as
he was a minor[6]. He then enrolled at the nationalist Kashi
Vidyapeeth in Varanasi. During his four years there, he was greatly
influenced by the lectures of Dr. Bhagawandas on philosophy. Upon
completion of his course at Kashi Vidyapeeth in 1926, he was given the
title Shastri ("Scholar"). The title was a bachelor's degree awarded
by the Vidya Peeth, but it stuck as part of his name[3]. He also
enrolled himself as a life member of the Servants of the People
Society and began to work for the upliftment of the Harijans at
Muzaffarpur[7]. Later he became the President of the Society[8].
In 1927, Shastri married Lalita Devi of Mirzapur. In spite of the
prevailing hefty dowry tradition, Shastri accepted only a charkha and
a few yards of khadi as dowry. In 1930, he threw himself into the
freedom struggle during Mahatma Gandhi's Salt Satyagraha. He was
imprisoned for two and a half years[9]. Once, while he was in prison,
one of his daughters fell seriously ill. He was released for fifteen
days, on the condition that he not take part in the freedom movement.
However, his daughter died before he reached home. After performing
the funeral rites, he voluntarily returned to prison, even before the
expiration of the period[10]. A year later, he asked for permission to
go home for a week, as his son had contracted influenza. The
permission was given, but his son's illness was not cured in a week.
In spite of his family's pleadings, he kept his promise to the jail
officers and returned to the prison[10].
Later, he worked as the Organizing Secretary of the Parliamentary
Board of U.P. in 1937[11]. In 1940, he was sent to prison for one
year, for offering individual Satyagraha support to the freedom
movement[12]. On 8 August 1942, Mahatma Gandhi issued the Quit India
speech at Gowalia Tank in Mumbai, demanding that the British leave
India. Shastri, who had just then come out after a year in prison,
traveled to Allahabad. For a week, he sent instructions to the freedom
fighters from Jawaharlal Nehru's hometown, Anand Bhavan. A few days
later, he was arrested and imprisoned until 1946[12]. Shastri spent
almost nine years in jail in total[13]. During his stay in prison, he
spent time reading books and became familiar with the works of western
philosophers, revolutionaries and social reformers. He also translated
the autobiography of Marie Curie into Hindi language[9].
In government
Following India's independence, Shastri was appointed Parliamentary
Secretary in his home state, Uttar Pradesh. He became the Minister of
Police and Transport under Govind Ballabh Pant's Chief Ministership.
As the Transport Minister, he was the first to appoint women
conductors. As the minister in charge of the Police Department, he
ordered that Police use jets of water instead of lathis to disperse
unruly crowds[14].
In 1951, he was made the General Secretary of the All-India Congress
Committee, with Jawaharlal Nehru as the Prime Minister. He was
directly responsible for the selection of candidates and the direction
of publicity and electioneering activities. He played an important
role in the landslide successes of the Congress Party in the Indian
General Elections of 1952, 1957 and 1962.
In 1951, Nehru nominated him to the Rajya Sabha. He served as the
Minister of Railways and Transport in the Central Cabinet from 1951 to
1956. In 1956, he offered his resignation after a railway accident at
Mahbubnagar that led to 112 deaths. However, Nehru did not accept his
resignation[15]. Three months later, he resigned accepting moral and
constitutional responsibility for a railway accident at Ariyalur in
Tamil Nadu that resulted in 144 deaths. While speaking in the
Parliament on the incident, the then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,
stated that he was accepting the resignation because it would set an
example in constitutional propriety and not because Shastri was in any
way responsible for the accident[3]. Shastri's unprecedented gesture
was greatly appreciated by the citizens.
In 1957, Shastri returned to the Cabinet following the General
Elections, first as the Minister for Transport and Communications, and
then as the Minister of Commerce and Industry[7]. In 1961, he became
Minister for Home[3]. As Union Home Minister he was instrumental in
appointing the Committee on Prevention of Corruption under the
Chairmanship of K. Santhanam[16].
Prime minister
Main article: Premiership of Lal Bahadur Shastri
Jawaharlal Nehru died in office on 27 May 1964 and left a void. The
then Congress Party President K. Kamaraj was instrumental in making
and installing Shastri as Prime Minister on 9 June. Shastri, though
mild-mannered and soft-spoken, was a Nehruvian socialist and thus held
appeal to those wishing to prevent the ascent of conservative right-
winger Morarji Desai.
In his first broadcast as Prime Minister, on 11 June 1964, Shastri
stated[17]:
“ There comes a time in the life of every nation when it stands at the
cross-roads of history and must choose which way to go. But for us
there need be no difficulty or hesitation, no looking to right or
left. Our way is straight and clear – the building up of a socialist
democracy at home with freedom and prosperity for all, and the
maintenance of world peace and friendship with all nations. ”
Shastri worked by his natural characteristics to obtain compromises
between opposing viewpoints, but in his short tenure he was
ineffectual in dealing with the economic crisis and food shortage in
the nation. However, he commanded a great deal of respect in the
Indian populace, and he used it to gain advantage in pushing the Green
Revolution in India; which directly led to India becoming a food-
surplus nation, although he did not live to see it. During the 22-day
war with Pakistan, Lal Bahadur Shastri created the slogan of "Jai
Jawan Jai Kisan" ("Hail the soldier, Hail the farmer"), underlining
the need to boost India's food production. Apart from emphasizing the
Green Revolution, he was instrumental in promoting the White
Revolution[16]. Greatly impressed by a visit to the Kaira district in
October 1964, he urged the rest of the country to learn from the
successful experiment at Anand. The National Dairy Development Board
was formed in 1965 during his tenure as Prime Minister.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Revolution_in_India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jai_Jawan_Jai_Kisan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Revolution_in_India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Flood
Though he was Socialist, Shastri stated that India cannot have a
regimented type of economy[16]. During his tenure as Prime Minister,
he visited Russia, Yugoslavia, England, Canada and Burma in 1965[7].
War with Pakistan
See Also: Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1965
The problem for Shastri's administration was Pakistan. Laying claim to
half of the Kutch peninsula, Pakistan sent incursion forces in August
1965, which skirmished with Indian tank divisions. In his report to
the Lok Sabha on the confrontation in Kutch, Shastri stated[17]:
“ In the utilization of our limited resources, we have always given
primacy to plans and projects for economic development. It would,
therefore, be obvious for anyone who is prepared to look at things
objectively that India can have no possible interest in provoking
border incidents or in building up an atmosphere of strife... In these
circumstances, the duty of Government is quite clear and this duty
will be discharged fully and effectively... We would prefer to live in
poverty for as long as necessary but we shall not allow our freedom to
be subverted. ”
Under a scheme proposed by the British PM, Pakistan obtained 10%, in
place of their original claim of 50% of the territory. But Pakistan's
aggressive intentions were also focused on Kashmir. When armed
infiltrators from Pakistan began entering the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, Shastri made it clear to Pakistan that force would be met
with force[18]. Just in September 1965, major incursions of militants
and Pakistani soldiers began, hoping not only to break-down the
government but incite a sympathetic revolt. The revolt did not happen,
and India sent its forces across the Ceasefire Line (now Line of
Control) and threatened Pakistan by crossing the International Border
near Lahore as war broke out on a general scale. Massive tank battles
occurred in the Punjab, and while Pakistani forces made some gains,
Indian forces captured the key post at Haji Pir, in Kashmir, and
brought the Pakistani city of Lahore under artillery and mortar fire.
On 17 September 1965, while the Indo-Pak war was on, India received a
letter from China. In the letter, China alleged that the Indian army
had set up army equipment in Chinese territory, and India would face
China's wrath, unless the equipment was pulled down. In spite of the
threat of aggression from China, Shastri declared "China's allegation
is untrue. If China attacks India it is our firm resolve to fight for
our freedom. The might of China will not deter us from defending our
territorial integrity."[19]. The Chinese did not respond, but the Indo-
Pak war resulted in great personnel and material casualties for both
Pakistan and India.
The Indo-Pak war ended on 23 September 1965 with a United Nations-
mandated ceasefire. In a broadcast to the nation on the day the of
ceasefire, Shastri stated[17]:
“ While the conflict between the armed forces of the two countries has
come to an end, the more important thing for the United Nations and
all those who stand for peace is to bring to an end the deeper
conflict... How can this be brought about? In our view, the only
answer lies in peaceful coexistence. India has stood for the principle
of coexistence and championed it all over the world. Peaceful
coexistence is possible among nations no matter how deep the
differences between them, how far apart they are in their political
and economic systems, no matter how intense the issues that divide
them. ”
Death at Tashkent
Shastri statue in Mumbai
the name is seen in the plaque in Mumbai in Maharashtra, IndiaAfter
the declaration of ceasefire, Shastri and Pakistani President Muhammad
Ayub Khan attended a summit in Tashkent (former USSR, now in modern
Uzbekistan), organised by Kosygin. On 10 January 1966, Shastri and
Khan signed the Tashkent Declaration.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Ayub_Khan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tashkent
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USSR
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uzbekistan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tashkent_Declaration
The next day Shastri, who had suffered two heart attacks earlier, died
supposedly of a heart attack at 1:32 AM.[7]. He was the only Indian
Prime Minister, and indeed probably one of the few heads of
government, to have died in office overseas.[20]
Mystery of Shastri's Death
Although officially it was maintained that Shastri died of heart
attack, his widow, Lalita Shastri kept alleging that her husband was
poisoned. Many believed that Shastri's body turning blue was an
evidence of his poisoning. Indeed a Russian butler attending to him
was arrested on suspicion of poisoning Shastri, but was later absolved
of charges.[21]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lalita_Shastri
In 2009, when Anuj Dhar, author of CIA's Eye on South Asia, asked the
Prime Minister's Office under an RTI plea (Right to Information Act),
that Shastri's cause of death be made public, the PMO refused to
oblige, citing that this could lead to harming of foreign relations,
cause disruption in the country and cause breach of parliamentary
privileges.[21]
The PMO did inform however that it had in its possession one document
related to Shastri's death, but refused to declassify it. The
government also admitted that no postmortem examination had been
conducted on him in USSR, but it did have a report of a medical
investigation conducted by Shastri's personal physician Dr. R.N. Chugh
and some Russian doctors. Furthermore, the PMO revealed that there was
no record of any destruction, or loss, of documents in the PMO having
a bearing on Shastri's death. As of July 2009, the home ministry is
yet to respond to queries whether India conducted a postmortem and if
the government had investigated allegations of foul play.[21]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anuj_Dhar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA%27s_Eye_on_South_Asia
Circumstances of Shastri's death do indeed make a case for close
inquiry. On the night of 11 January, Shastri was awakened by a severe
coughing fit. Dr. R.N. Chugh came to his aid. Shastri was unable to
speak and pointed to a flask kept nearby. A staffer brought some water
which Shastri sipped. Shortly afterward, Shastri became unconscious
and attempts to revive him proved futile.
A cold case forensic enquiry which keeps these facts in consideration,
could point to three causes - in order of probability.
Myocardial Infarction (ordinarily known as Heart Attack)
Café Coronary (impaction of food in windpipe - in this case, drops of
water)
Poisoning by some very quick acting poison, say cyanide although its
probability is minimal.
Memorial
All his lifetime, Shastri was known for honesty and humility. He was
the first person to be posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, and a
memorial "Vijay Ghat" was built for him in Delhi. Several educational
institutes, Shashtri National Academy of Administration (Mussorie) is
after his name these were some examples. The Shastri Indo-Canadian
Institute was named after Shastri due to his role in promoting
scholarly activity between India and Canada.[22]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharat_Ratna
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raj_Ghat_and_associated_memorials
In 2005, the Government of India created a chair in his honour in the
field of democracy and governance at Delhi University[23].
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi_University
Personal life
Lal Bahadur Shastri had five sons, including Anil Shastri and Sunil
Shastri, who are politicians.[24]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anil_Shastri
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunil_Shastri
References
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Fatherless Child".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page4.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Loving Grandfather".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page5.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c d "Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri - A Profile". Government Of
India.
http://pmindia.nic.in/pm_shastri.htm. Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Strong and Self-respecting".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page6.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Tilak and Gandhi".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page8.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Young Satyagrahi".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page9.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c d "Lal Bahadur Shastri (1904-1966)". Research Reference and
Training Division, Ministry Of Information And Broadcasting,
Government Of India.
http://rrtd.nic.in/lalbahadurshastri.htm. Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Servants of the People Society".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page9.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Freedom's Soldier".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page11.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Sense of Honor".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page12.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Prime Minister's address at the inauguration of centenary year
celebrations of late Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri". Prime Minister's
Office, Government Of India. 2005-10-02.
http://pmindia.nic.in/speech/content.asp?id=30. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: In Prison Again".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page13.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ LiveIndia.com − Lal Bahadur Shastri
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Responsibility of Freedom".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page15.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: I Am Responsible".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page17.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c "Prime Minister Inaugurates Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial: Text
Of Dr Manmohan Singh's Speech". Press Information Bureau, Government
Of India. 2005-05-07.
http://pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=9089. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ a b c "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Might of Peace". Press Information
Bureau, Government Of India. 2006-09-29.
http://pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=21051. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Force will be met with force".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page24.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: China Cannot Frighten Us".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page25.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Shastriji is Immortal".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page27.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c Dhawan, H. "45 years on, Shastri's death a mystery - PMO
refuses to Entertain RTI Plea Seeking Declassification of Document".
The Times of India, New Delhi Edition, Saturday, 11 July 2009, page
11, columns 1-5 (top left)
^ "Mission of the Shastri Institute".
http://www.sici.org/about/.
^ "PM's speech at conclusion of Lal Bahadur Shastri Centenary
Celebrations". Prime Minister's Office, Government of India.
2005-10-04.
http://pmindia.nic.in/speech/content.asp?id=205. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ The Shastri saga
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2004/10/02/stories/2004100200930300.htm
Further reading
John Noyce. Lal Bahadur Shastri: an English-language bibliography.
Lulu.com, 2002.
Lal Bahadur Shastri, 'Reflections on Indian politics', Indian Journal
of Political Science, vol.23, 1962, pp1–7
L.P. Singh, Portrait of Lal Bahadur Shastri (Delhi: Ravi Dayal
Publishers, 1996) ISBN 81-7530-006-X
(Sir) C.P. Srivastava, Lal Bahadur Shastri: a life of truth in
politics (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995) ISBN
0-19-563499-3
(Sir) C.P. Srivastava, Corruption: India's enemy within (New Delhi:
Macmillan India, 2001) chapter 3 ISBN 0-333-93531-4
External links
Why has history forgotten this giant?
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/06spec1.htm
The politician who made no money
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/07spec1.htm
The Rediff Special/Kuldip Nayar
October 06, 2004
Part I: Why has history forgotten this giant?
Kuldip Nayar was Lal Bahadur Shastri's press advisor from 1960 to 1964
and travelled with him extensively. He provides an insight into the
former prime minister's life.
Shastri and the Congress
Shastri has been forgotten by the nation. He has been pushed into the
background. I have no doubt that there was a Congress conspiracy to
underplay Shastri after his death.
The Congress is the party that should have put him to the fore but I
remember visiting a Congress meeting where Shastri's portrait was not
even displayed with respect.
He simply didn't fit in. Mrs Gandhi was strongly against the Congress
old guard. When he died there was a strong resistance against his
cremation in the area where Gandhi and Nehru had been laid to rest.
Most Congressmen wanted his body taken to Allahabad. When Mrs Lalita
Shastri said she would go public only then did the Congressmen relent.
They even protested against inscribing the slogan -- Jai Jawan, Jai
Kisan on his samadhi. Then again, only when Mrs Shastri threatened to
go on a hunger strike was it was allowed.
After leaving the Press Information Bureau I became a reporter.
Wherever I went to meet Congress leaders, I was labelled as 'Shastri
ka aadmi' [Shastri's man].
Now, a committee has been set up by the Congress-led government to
celebrate his birth centenary but it seems like an afterthought. I
think after the death of Shastri, the Congress did not know where to
fit him. When Mrs Gandhi succeeded him, the Congress didn't know where
to put his legacy in the scheme of things then.
Shastri stands for austerity.
Shastri stands for simplicity and consensus.
Shastri represents an ideology that was right of Centre but not left
of Centre. After all, he is the man who said we need the five-year
plan but let us have a one year holiday from plan.
I remember vividly a small incident that brought out the stark
difference between the two (Shastri and Indira Gandhi) leaders.
During Shastri's tenure his home in Janpath was upgraded quite a bit
to suit the status of a PM.
After his death, while searching for a suitable home Mrs Gandhi went
to see Shastri's home. She entered the home, had a round inside and
said, "middle class!"
The making of Shastri
Shastri was selected by veteran Congress leaders K Kamaraj, Neelam
Sanjeeva Reddy and S Nijalingappa to lead the nation. Moments after
Nehru's death I asked him who should become PM, he said it should be
the unanimous decision of the Congress.
He gave two names in order. First, Jayaprakash Narayan and second,
Indira Gandhi. He told me he wanted a unanimous decision over the
selection. "But if there is a contest (which Morarji Desai
contemplated) then I can defeat Morarji Desai but not Indira Gandhi,"
he told me.
Probably he was right. However, the question didn't arise because
Kamaraj was asked to talk to members informally. Shastri was made PM
but Morarjibhai never accepted the decision.
After Shastri became PM he had to face the war with Pakistan. When the
Chamb border was attacked Shastri was asked to take a tough decision
whether to cross the international border. The army chief said it
would be difficult to hold on for long at Chamb. Shastri gave the
order saying -- before they can capture Chamb you should capture
Lahore.
After the war was over, I asked Indira Gandhi if Nehru would have
allowed the crossing of the international border. Mrs Gandhi said,
'Whatever the generals would have advised him he would have followed."
But I wonder.
A slight man made of steel
After the war, Shastri's name was all over. Before the war many people
laughed at him for his softness but not after the war. He came out as
a tough hero.
His toughness was evident at Tashkent. When Russian Prime Minister
Alexei Kosygin (left: Shastri with Kosygin and Indian's then external
affairs minister Swaran Singh) wanted Shastri to sign the agreement
for peace with General Ayub Khan of Pakistan after the 1965 war,
Shastri insisted on adding the assurance, "never again will weapons be
used to sort out problems between India and Pakistan."
Ayub was maintaining a vague stance by quoting UN resolutions. "Then
you will have to find another PM," said Shastri during the arguments.
In the final agreement General Ayub Khan had not mentioned those words
but Shastri continued to press for it.
Ayub finally wrote it at the very last moment. General Ayub's
handwritten assurance is still preserved in the Indian archives.
Shastri was a slight person but with a strong mind.
Also read: Kuldip Nayar on the Tashkent summit
Shastri can't be revived
If the Congress wants to celebrate Shastri, it will have to re-
emphasis the honesty of Shastri. He stood for the small men of India.
But the Congress has changed completely. Since Mrs Gandhi said that
corruption is a world phenomenon, Congressmen are not losing sleep
over it. Neither can I imagine Shastri imposing the Emergency.
All those Congressmen seen active during the Emergency are part of
this government. Ambika Soni is a confidante of Sonia Gandhi, Pranab
Mukherjee, Arjun Singh, Kamal Nath all were part of the establishment
then.
How can these leaders bring in the values of Shastri?
The Nehru-Gandhi dynasty culture has also played a role in minimising
Shastri's legacy. When Shastri was made a minister without portfolio
in the Nehru's Cabinet, he was uncomfortable. Once in a huff he told
me, "I shall quit and retire to Allahabad."
While cajoling him not to entertain an such idea I said, "Nehru has
you in his mind."
Shastri said, "Unke dimag main to unki putri hai. (He has his daughter
in his mind as successor.)"
As soon as Shastri died the dynasty culture returned to the Congress.
Shastri's message of life was that if he could become PM anybody could
because he was a common man. As the Bible says the meekest shall
inherit the earth, he proved it.
In 1942 (during the Quit India Movement), when he was in a jail, his
daughter was ill and he was released on parole. But he could not save
her life because doctors had recommended costly drugs.
Shastri never made money. In 1963, on the day when he was dropped
under the Kamaraj plan I went to meet him. He was sitting in his home
without a light.
"Why are you sitting in the dark?" I asked. He said, "From today all
expenses will be borne by me." He told me as a MP and minister he
didn't earn enough to save for his rainy day.
On that evening, I told him to turn a columnist to earn some money. So
he wrote a column on Lala Lajpat Rai. That was the first syndicated
column in India.
I syndicated it to four newspapers and collected Rs 500 from each.
Quite a hefty sum!
The second column was on Nehru but before he could write more he was
recalled to the Cabinet.
I don't see the revival of the values Shastri stood for. A day before
his first press conference after becoming PM I asked him what will be
your message tomorrow?
He said: "I'll tell them that during my tenure there will not be any
increase in food price and as PM of India I would ask members of the
Planning Commission to have one more column in their charts to show me
how many jobs will be created after spending thousands of crores of
rupees."
He was a man concerned about the common man of India. Can these values
return to this country?
I don't think so.
As told to Senior Editor Sheela Bhatt
Image: Uday Kuckian
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/07spec1.htm
The Rediff Special/Sheela Bhatt
October 05, 2004
Seven miles from Kashi in Uttar Pradesh is Mughalsarai. A hundred
years ago, Lal Bahadur, India's second prime minister, was born there
on October 2, 1904, the same day as India's greatest statesman
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, born 35 years before Shastriji.
Though his parents Sharada Prasad and Ramdulari Devi were Srivastavas,
Shastri dropped his caste identity in his early years. In 1921,
inspired by Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Gandhi, he cut short his studies
to join India's freedom movement.
Later he joined the Kashi Vidyapeeth and earned the epithet 'Shastri'
by obtaining a degree on philosophy.
He won the hearts of Indians when he showed exemplary courage in
taking quick decisions as prime minister June 1964 to January 1966)
during the India-Pakistan war in 1965. His leadership in war was an
answer to that most often asked question at that time: 'After Nehru,
who?'
But his untimely death on January 10, 1966 in Tashkent, in suspicious
circumstances, deprived him the chance for history to sit in
judgement.
In a haphazardly taken decision, the central government has formed a
committee to celebrate Shastri's life and work in the year of his
centenary.
In an ongoing series rediff.com salutes the 'gentle giant' who led
India through the critical years after succeeding Nehru.
Has the nation forgotten Shastri? Is Shastri, who epitomised honesty
and sincerity in public life, relevant today?
Anil Shastri, one of the late prime minister's six children and member
of the Congress party, recounts memories of his father in a
conversation with Senior Editor Sheela Bhatt.
On the Congress treatment of Shastri
I don't think India has forgotten Lal Bahadur Shastri. Whatever he did
is remembered even today. I must say since Sonia Gandhi has taken
charge Shastriji's portraits are displayed in all the annual sessions
of the party.
Many people have observed that there was a conspiracy to underplay
Shastri's legacy within the Congress. This serious charge is untrue
for the simple reason that due to his untimely death his contribution
to the nation was confined to those 18 to 19 months when he was PM.
Nehru ruled the country for 17 years, Indira Gandhi for 16 years and
Rajiv Gandhi for 5 years. Obviously the Nehru-Gandhi contribution is
unparalleled because nobody got this opportunity. And remember
Shastriji considered him as a protégé of Pandit Nehru. He was never
outside the sphere of the Nehru ideology which is the Congress
ideology.
Our nation is going to celebrate his birth centenary throughout the
year. The committee is formed under the chairmanship of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh.
Even in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, celebrations have been organised on a
big scale. E Ahmed, minister of state for external affairs, was in
Tashkent to participate in the celebrations.
Shastriji who represented a certain value system is more relevant
today than before because a majority of us today have no value
systems. I feel difficult to contest elections. I feel a little out of
place but for my lineage I have survived in politics.
His father
I still miss him although I was just 16 years old when he died. If he
would have lived 10 more years he would have done much more for the
country.
He was down to earth. A real son of the soil. His grounding was from
the grassroots level. He was a practical man too. He strongly believed
the laws of the land should be changed because the British formed them
to rule over India.
He did make an attempt by constituting the administrative reforms
commission and made Morarji Desai its chairman. But after he died the
idea was shelved.
The most cherished memory I have is the verses of Guru Nanak, which
were displayed on his table. As Nehru kept Robert Frost's lines --
'Miles to go before I sleep', on his desk, my father kept Nanak's
quotes in Gurmukhi.
When translated into English they mean -- 'O Nanak! Be tiny like the
grass, for other plants will whither away, but grass will remain ever
green.'
When under the PL 480 programme, America was going to send inferior
quality of wheat to India, he opposed it. He asked the nation to go
hungry once a day than accept poor quality food from US.
Before making this announcement he asked my mother not to cook evening
meals. He himself followed what he recommended.
The 1965 war with Pakistan
He appeared very modest but was a man of steel. He had the ability to
take quick decisions. It was demonstrated on August 31, 1965. On that
day he came home for an early dinner. One of his secretaries told him
that the three chiefs of the defence services had come to see him. He
immediately left for his office next door at 10, Janpath.
The three chiefs visited him to inform him that the Pakistan army had
crossed the international border with 100 battle tanks in the Chamb
sector of Jammu. They told him that in a short span of time the
Pakistan army would cut off Kashmir from the rest of India.
Without losing time he asked for the opening of a new front including
Lahore. Retaliate with full force, he said. What I remember is that
the historic meeting lasted less than five minutes. Arjan Singh, the
then chief of the air force was present. He is the only surviving
member from that meeting.
He told them, "Be prepared for war." He called Defence Minister Y B
Chavan and informed him of the decision. He responded positively and
expressed his support. He didn't wait for international reactions. The
next day, newspapers reported that the Indian army was marching
towards Lahore. It was a big morale booster for the country.
During those tense days, in his address to the nation from Red Fort on
Independence day, he said: "Hathiyaron ka jawab hathiyaron se denge.
(Force will be met with force.) Hamara desh rahega to hamara tiranga
rahega. (Our flag will survive only if our country does)"
On Shastri and the Nehru-Gandhi family
Pandit Nehru was very found of him. Shastriji was around 15 years
younger but he trusted him fully. In 1956, when a train accident
killed 144 passengers near Ariyalur in Tamil Nadu, Shastriji resigned.
Panditji refused to accept the resignation but he prevailed upon
Panditji to accept it.
On the following day in Parliament, Nehru said no one could wish for a
better comrade than Lal Bahadur. A man of the highest integrity and
devoted to ideas is called Lal Bahadur, said Nehru.
Once he was sent to Kashmir by Nehru to help resolve the theft in the
Hazaratbal shrine. Nehru asked him whether he had enough woollens for
the trip.
"Are you aware Kashmir must be having snowfall at this time?" asked
Nehru.
Shastri showed him the jacket he was wearing and Nehru immediately
gave his own mink overcoat. My father was short in stature so he told
Nehru the coat was quite long. But Nehru said woollen overcoats were
always longer. That no one would know it was a borrowed one.
On his return from Kashmir when father went to him to return the
overcoat, Nehru asked him to keep it. The next day newspapers
reported: Nehru's Mantle Falls on Shastri.
Shastriji and Indiraji also enjoyed a close relationship. She had the
highest personal regard for him. After Nehru's death in 1964, the
Congress chose him as a consensus candidate. He did make an attempt to
persuade Indira Gandhi to take over as prime minister. He went to see
her and asked her to become prime minister.
She put her foot down and said no. "You become PM and I'll totally
support you," she said. When he was PM he would drop by at 1,
Safdarjung Road (Indira Gandhi's home) without intimation just to chat
with her.
Image: Uday Kuckian
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/06spec1.htm
Vinoba Bhave
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is missing citations or needs footnotes. Please help add
inline citations to guard against copyright violations and factual
inaccuracies. (January 2008)
Vinoba Bhave,( विनोबा भावे ), born Vinayak Narahari Bhave (September
11, 1895 - November 15 1982) often called Acharya (In Sanskrit means
teacher), was an Indian advocate of Nonviolence and human rights. He
is considered as a National Teacher of India and the spiritual
successor of Mahatma Gandhi.[1]
Early life and background
He was born in Gagode, Maharashtra on September 11, 1895 into a pious
family of the Chitpavan Brahmin clan. He was highly inspired after
reading the Bhagavad Gita, Mahabharat, Ramayan at a very early age.
His father was a devout Hindu and his mother, who died in 1918, was a
great influence on him. In his memoir, Bhave states that, "there is
nothing to equal the part my mother played in shaping my mind".
Specifically, his devotion and spirituality.
His two brothers, Balkoba Bhave and Shivaji Bhave, were also bachelors
devoted to social work.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chitpavan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin
Career
Freedom struggle
Vinobha Kutir at Sabarmati AshramHe was associated with Mahatma Gandhi
in the Indian independence movement. In 1932 he was sent to jail by
the British colonial government because of his fight against British
rule. There he gave a series of talks on the Gita, in his native
language Marathi, to his fellow prisoners.
These highly inspiring talks were later published as the book "Talks
on the Gita", and it has been translated to many languages both in
India and elsewhere. Vinoba felt that the source of these talks was
something above and he believed that its influence will endure even if
his other works were forgotten.
In 1940 he was chosen by Gandhi to be the first Individual Satyagrahi
(an Individual standing up for Truth instead of a collective action)
against the British rule. It is said that Gandhi envied and respected
Bhave's celibacy, a vow he made in his adolescence, in fitting with
his belief in the Brahmacharya principle. Bhave also participated in
the Quit India Movement.
Religious and social work
Gandhi and VinobaVinoba's religious outlook was very broad and it
synthesized the truths of many religions. This can be seen in one of
his hymns "Om Tat" which contains symbols of many religions.
Vinoba observed the life of the average Indian living in a village and
tried to find solutions for the problems he faced with a firm
spiritual foundation. This formed the core of his Sarvodaya (Awakening
of all potentials) movement. Another example of this is the Bhoodan
(land gift) movement. He walked all across India asking people with
land to consider him as one of their sons and so give him a portion of
their land which he then distributed to landless poor. Non-violence
and compassion being a hallmark of his philosophy, he also campaigned
against the slaughtering of cows.
Literary career
Vinoba Bhave was a scholar, thinker, writer who produced numerous
books, translator who made Sanskrit texts accessible to common man,
orator, linguist who had excellent command of several languages
(Marathi, Hindi, Urdu, English, Sanskrit), and a social reformer. He
wrote brief introductions to, and criticisms of, several religious and
philosophical works like the Bhagavad Gita,works of Adi
Shankaracharya, the Bible and Quran. His criticism of Dnyaneshwar's
poetry as also the output by other Marathi saints is quite brilliant
and a testimony to the breadth of his intellect. A university named
after him Vinoba Bhave University is still there in the state of
Jharkhand spreading knowledge even after his death.
Later life and death
Vinoba spent the later part of his life at his ashram in Paunar,
Maharashtra. He controversially backed the Indian Emergency imposed by
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, calling it Anushasana Parva (Time for
Discipline).
He fell ill in November 1982 and decided to end his life. He died on
November 15, 1982 after refusing food and medicine for a few days.
Some Indians have identified this as sallekhana. It is the Jain
religious ritual of voluntary death by fasting.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sallekhana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasting
Criticism
V. S. Naipaul has given scathing criticism of Bhave in his collection
of essays citing his lack of connection with rationality and excessive
imitation of Gandhi. Even some of his admirers find fault with the
extent of his devotion to Gandhiji. Much more controversial was his
support, ranging from covert to open, to Congress Party's Govt under
Indira Gandhi which was fast becoming unpopular.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._S._Naipaul
Awards
In 1958 Vinoba was the first recipient of the international Ramon
Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership.[2] He was awarded the Bharat
Ratna posthumously in 1983.[3]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramon_Magsaysay_Award
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharat_Ratna
Bibliography
Geeta Pravachane (in all Indian languages)
Vichar Pothi (in Marathi, Hindi, Gujarati and also translated into
English by Vasant Nargolkar.)
Sthitapragnya Darshan (Marathi, Hindi, Gujarati also translated in
English)
Madhukar (collection and compilation of his articles written over the
years (before freedom was achieved.)
Krant Darshan (as no. 4)
Teesri Shakti or The Third Power (his views on political life of the
nation)
Swarajya Shastra (his political treatise)
Bhoodan Ganga - in 9/10 volumes, (in Marathi, Hindi) collection and
compilation of his speeches from 18 April 1951)
Manushasanam, (his selections from Manusmruti,
Moved By Love: The memoirs of Vinoba Bhave
Quotes
"All revolutions are spiritual at the source. All my activities have
the sole purpose of achieving a union of hearts."
"Peace is something mental and spiritual. If there be peace in our
(personal) life, it will affect the whole world"
"Jai Jagat! — Victory to the world!"
"It is a curious phenomena that God has made the hearts of the poor
rich, and those of the rich poor."
"What we should aim at is the creation of people power, which is
opposed to the power of violence and is different from the coercive
power of state."
"A country should be defended not by arms, but by ethical behavior."
"We cannot fight new wars with old weapons."
"When a thing is true, there is no need to use any arguments to
substantiate it."
"There is no need for me to protest against the government’s faults,
it is against its good deeds that my protests are needed."
"Do not allow yourself to imagine that revolutionary thinking can be
propagated by governmental power."
"I beg you not to adopt any "go slow" methods of nonviolence. In
nonviolence you must go full steam ahead, if you want the good to come
speedily you must go about it with vigor. A merely soft, spineless
ineffective kind of nonviolence will actually encourage the growth of
the status quo and all the forces of a violent system which we
deplore."
See also
Mohandas Gandhi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohandas_Gandhi
Gandhism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gandhism
Lanza del Vasto http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lanza_del_Vasto
Further reading
Vinoba Bhave: The Man and His Mission, by P. D. Tandon. Published by
Vora, 1954.
India's Walking Saint: The Story of Vinoba Bhave, by Hallam Tennyson.
Published by Doubleday, 1955.
Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,
India, Published by Publications Division, Government of India, 1955.
India's Social Miracle: The Story of Acharya Vinoba Bhave and His
Movement for Social Justice and Cooperation, Along with a Key to
America's Future and the Way for Harmony Between Man, Nature, and God,
by Daniel P. Hoffman. Published by Naturegraph Co., 1961.
Sarvodaya Ideology & Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by V. Narayan Karan Reddy.
Published by Andhra Pradesh Sarvodaya Mandal, 1963.
Vinoba Bhave on self-rule & representative democracy, by Michael W.
Sonnleitner. Published by Promilla & Co., 1988. ISBN 818500210X.
Struggle for Independence : Vinoba Bhave, by Shiri Ram Bakshi.
Published by Anmol Publications, 1989.
Philosophy of Vinoba Bhave: A New Perspective in Gandhian Thought, by
Geeta S. Mehta. Published by Himalaya Pub. House, 1995. ISBN
817493054X.
Vinoba Bhave - Vyakti Ani Vichar (a book in Marathi) by Dr Anant D.
Adawadkar, Published by Jayashri Prakashan, Nagpur.
References
^ The King of Kindness (Vinoba Bhave, Bhoodan, Gramdan, Sarvodaya,
Gandhi Movement)
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
^ Online biography of Vinoba Bhave on www.rmaf.org.ph accessed in
January 2010
^ List of Bharat Ratna Awardees recipients on india.gov.in accessed in
January 2010
External links
The King of Kindness: Vinoba Bhave and His Nonviolent Revolution
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
"Talks on The Gita" by Vinoba Bhave
http://hindubooks.org/vinoba/gita/
Citation for 1958 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership
http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationBhaveVin.htm
Pen and Ink Portrait of Vinoba Bhave
http://www.kamat.com/database/biographies/vinoba_bhave.htm
Vinoba Bahve - his work on leprosy (with photo 1979)
http://web.telia.com/~u85411425/Vinoba.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vinoba_Bhave
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Bahadur_Shastri
Vinoba Bhave
Vinoba Bhave, 1895 - 1982, was the spiritual successor of Mahatma
Gandhi. He is famous for the land gift movement, Bhoodhan movement,
where people donated land to the landless poor of India.
His importance is illustrated by the fact that when Jawaharlal Nehru
became the first prime minister of the independent republic of India,
Nehru first of all went to see Vinoba Bhave to get his blessing.
In his relentless work on improving the life in the Indian village
Vinoba Bhave soon realized that leprosy was a common illness that
required their attention. A leprosy centre was therefore opened in
Dattapur in 1936 with Manoharji Diwan in charge.
It was therefore quite natural that 43 years later the head of the
National Leprosy Control Programme in India, Dr K.C. Das, when
travelling in India visiting the member states and their control
programmes, he also paid a visit to Vinoba Bhave.
Here we can see Dr K.C. Das standing at Vinoba Bhave's left side
(Vinoba sitting). Next to Dr Das is Dr Ravi Shankar Sharma, Medical
Officer of Dattapur Leprosy Home, now its Chief. Then sitting are
Hemprabha Bharali (from Assam), Lakshmi bahen, Rama bahen, Kusumtai
Deshpande, Lakschmi Phookan (Assam), Padma bahen, and Shakuntala
bahen. The picture was taken in the ashram of Vinoba Bhave in Paunar
in 1979, just three years before his passing away.
Page updated by GK, 2008-03-29
http://web.telia.com/~u85411425/Vinoba.htm
Kamat Research Database.
Biography: Vinoba Bhave
Born: 1895 Died: 1982
Kamat's Potpourri
Vinoba Bhave (1895 -1982)
Portrait in India ink by V.N. O'key
Vinoba Bhave was a great innovative experimenter in Gandhian
techniques. He placed reliance on the Gandhian philosophy of change of
heart and used the instrument of moral appeal of the Bhoodan (donation
of lands) movement to secure land to the landless to satisfy peasants
hunger for land. The Bhoodan movement initiated by Vinoba Bhave
created a social climate to land reforms and their smooth
implementation.
Source: Adhunika Bharat Ke Nirmata, V.N. O'Key Felicitation Committee,
Bombay, 1989
http://www.kamat.com/database/biographies/vinoba_bhave.htm
The 1958 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership
CITATION for Vinoba Bhave
Ramon Magsaysay Award Presentation Ceremonies
31 August 1958, Manila, Philippines
Seven years ago, seeing the force of a simple act of human
generosity�one man's voluntary gift of land�in the solution of a
bitter village conflict, VINOBA BHAVE dedicated himself to the
propagation of a new kind of social revolution in India.
The vehicle he originated for this work, known as the Bhoodan
Movement, has as its primary tangible objective "land for the
landless." Its intangible implications are even more significant.
Emphasizing a voluntary giving�first of land and more recently also of
cash, kind, labor, intelligence, life and of whole villages�he has
sought to bring his people to a fuller realization of man's nobler
nature.
Many among his countrymen have responded to his abiding faith in the
basic goodness of human character and the tempering effect of human
conscience. In them, he has awakened a consciousness of inner strength
and nurtured a social morality. Thus, in his seven years of walking to
the villages of India, he has labored to create with gentle persuasion
the climate for social reform wherein, by ways he has proposed, needed
change could be accomplished voluntarily.
He has sought nothing for himself, least of all recognition of his
achievements. Rather, his has been a life selflessly devoted to
finding and conveying to his people an approach to the problem of
poverty that is within the means of every man. He, in his way, as our
late President Ramon Magsaysay did in his, has given himself humbly
and unstintingly in service to his people.
In electing ACHARYA VINOBA BHAVE to receive the first Ramon Magsaysay
Award for Community Leadership, the Board of Trustees recognizes his
furtherance of the cause of arousing his countrymen toward voluntary
action in relieving social injustice and economic inequalities.
http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationBhaveVin.htm
The King of Kindness
Vinoba Bhave and His Nonviolent Revolution
By Mark Shepard
Excerpted and adapted from the book Gandhi Today: A Report on Mahatma
Gandhi’s Successors, Simple Productions, Arcata, California, 1987,
reprinted by Seven Locks Press, Washington, D.C., 1987
For more resources, visit Mark Shepard’s Gandhi Page at
www.markshep.com/nonviolence
Copyright © 1987, 1988 Mark Shepard. May be freely copied and shared
for any noncommercial purpose as long as no text is altered or
omitted.
Vinoba, 1978.
Photo by Mark Shepard.
All revolutions are spiritual at the source. All my activities have
the sole purpose of achieving a union of hearts.
—Vinoba
Jai jagat!—Victory to the world!
—Vinoba
Once India gained its independence, that nation’s leaders did not take
long to abandon Mahatma Gandhi’s principles.
Nonviolence gave way to the use of India’s armed forces. Perhaps even
worse, the new leaders discarded Gandhi’s vision of a decentralized
society—a society based on autonomous, self-reliant villages. These
leaders spurred a rush toward a strong central government and an
industrial economy as found in the West.
Yet Gandhi’s vision was not abandoned by all. Many of Gandhi’s
“constructive workers”—development experts and community organizers
working in a host of agencies set up by Gandhi himself—resolved to
continue his mission of transforming Indian society.
Leading them was a disciple of Gandhi previously little known to the
Indian public, yet eventually regarded as Gandhi’s “spiritual
successor": a saintly, reserved, austere individual called Vinoba.
In 1916, at the age of 20, Vinoba was in the holy city of Benares
trying to come to a decision.
Should he go to the Himalaya mountains and become a religious hermit?
Or should he go to West Bengal and join the guerillas fighting the
British?
Then Vinoba came across a newspaper account of a speech by Gandhi.
Vinoba was thrilled. Soon after, he joined Gandhi in his ashram. (An
ashram is a religious community—but for Gandhians, it is also a center
for political and social action.)
As Vinoba later said, he found in Gandhi the peace of the Himalayas
united with the revolutionary fervor of Bengal.
Gandhi greatly admired Vinoba, commenting that Vinoba understood
Gandhian thought better than he himself did. In 1940 he showed his
regard by choosing Vinoba over Nehru to lead off a national protest
campaign against British war policies.
After Gandhi’s assassination on January 30, 1948, many of Gandhi’s
followers looked to Vinoba for direction. Vinoba advised that, now
that India had reached its goal of Swaraj—independence, or self-rule—
the Gandhians’ new goal should be a society dedicated to Sarvodaya,
the “welfare of all.”
The name stuck, and the movement of the Gandhians became known as the
Sarvodaya Movement. A merger of constructive work agencies produced
Sarva Seva Sangh—“The Society for the Service of All”—which became the
core of the Sarvodaya Movement, as the main Gandhian organization
working for broad social change along Gandhian lines.
Vinoba had no desire to be a leader, preferring a secluded ashram
life. This preference, though, was overturned by events in 1951,
following the yearly Sarvodaya conference in what is now the central
Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. At the close of that conference,
Vinoba announced his intention to journey through the nearby district
of Telengana.
He couldn’t have picked a more troubled spot.
Telengana was at that moment the scene of an armed insurrection.
Communist students and some of the poorest villagers had united in a
guerilla army. This army had tried to break the land monopoly of the
rich landlords by driving them out or killing them and distributing
their land.
At the height of the revolt, the guerrillas had controlled an area of
3,000 villages. But the Indian army had been sent in and had begun its
own campaign of terror. Now, many villages were occupied by government
troops during the day and by Communists at night. Each side would kill
villagers they suspected of supporting the other side. So most
villagers lived in terror of both sides.
The government had clearly shown it would win, but the conflict wasn’t
nearly over by the time of the Sarvodaya conference. Vinoba hoped to
find a solution to the conflict and to the injustice that had spawned
it. So, refusing police escort, he and a small company set off on
foot.
On April 18, the third day of his walk, Vinoba stopped in the village
of Pochampalli, which had been an important Communist stronghold.
Setting himself up in the courtyard of a Muslim prayer compound, he
was soon receiving visitors from all the factions in the village.
Among the visitors was a group of 40 families of landless Harijans.
(Harijan was Gandhi’s name for the Untouchables, the outcasts from
Hindu society. Literally, it means “child of God.”) The Harijans told
Vinoba they had no choice but to support the Communists, because only
the Communists would give them land. They asked, Would Vinoba ask the
government instead to give them land?
Vinoba replied, “What use is government help until we can help
ourselves?” But he himself wasn’t satisfied by the answer. He was
deeply perplexed.
Late that afternoon, by a lake next to the village, Vinoba held a
prayer meeting that drew thousands of villagers from the surrounding
area. Near the beginning of the meeting, he presented the Harijans’
problem to the assembly. Without really expecting a response, he said,
“Brothers, is there anyone among you who can help these Harijan
friends?”
A prominent farmer of the village stood up. “Sir, I am ready to give
one hundred acres.”
Vinoba could not believe his ears.
Here, in the midst of a civil war over land monopoly, was a farmer
willing to part with 100 acres out of simple generosity. And Vinoba
was just as astounded when the Harijans declared that they needed only
80 acres and wouldn’t accept more!
Vinoba suddenly saw a solution to the region’s turmoil. In fact, the
incident seemed to him a sign from God. At the close of the prayer
meeting, he announced he would walk all through the region to collect
gifts of land for the landless.
So began the movement called Bhoodan—“land-gift.” Over the next seven
weeks, Vinoba asked for donations of land for the landless in 200
villages of Telengana. Calculating the amount of India’s farmland
needed to supply India’s landless poor, he would tell the farmers and
landlords in each village, “I am your fifth son. Give me my equal
share of land.” And in each village—to his continued amazement—the
donations poured in.
Who gave, and why?
At first most of the donors were farmers of moderate means, including
some who themselves owned only an acre or two. To them, Vinoba was a
holy man, a saint, the Mahatma’s own son, who had come to give them
God’s message of kinship with their poorer neighbors. Vinoba’s prayer
meetings at times took on an almost evangelical fervor. As for Vinoba,
he accepted gifts from even the poorest—though he sometimes returned
these gifts to the donors—because his goal was as much to open hearts
as to redistribute land.
Gradually, though, the richer landowners also began to give. Of
course, many of their gifts were inspired by fear of the Communists
and hopes of buying off the poor—as the Communists were quick to
proclaim.
But not all the motives of the rich landowners were economic. Many of
the rich hoped to gain “spiritual merit” through their gifts; or at
least to uphold their prestige. After all, if poor farmers were
willing to give sizeable portions of their land to Vinoba, could the
rich be seen to do less? And perhaps a few of the rich were even truly
touched by Vinoba’s message.
In any case, as Vinoba’s tour gained momentum, even the announced
approach of the “god who gives away land” was enough to prepare the
landlords to part with some of their acreage.
Soon Vinoba was collecting hundreds of acres a day. What’s more,
wherever Vinoba moved, he began to dispel the climate of tension and
fear that had plagued the region. In places where people had been
afraid to assemble, thousands gathered to hear him—including the
Communists.
At the end of seven weeks, Vinoba had collected over 12,000 acres.
After he left, Sarvodaya workers continuing to collect land in his
name received another 100,000 acres.
The Telengana march became the launching point for a nationwide
campaign that Vinoba hoped would eliminate the greatest single cause
of India’s poverty: land monopoly. He hoped as well that it might be
the lever needed to start a “nonviolent revolution”—a complete
transformation of Indian society by peaceful means.
The root of oppression, he reasoned, is greed. If people could be led
to overcome their possessiveness, a climate would be created in which
social division and exploitation could be eliminated. As he later put
it, “We do not aim at doing mere acts of kindness, but at creating a
Kingdom of Kindness.”
Soon Vinoba and his colleagues were collecting 1,000 acres a day, then
2,000, then 3,000. Several hundred small teams of Sarvodaya workers
and volunteers began trekking from village to village, all over India,
collecting land in Vinoba’s name. Vinoba himself—despite advanced age
and poor health—marched continually, touring one state after another.
The pattern of Vinoba’s day was daily the same. Vinoba and his company
would rise by 3:00 a.m. and hold a prayer meeting for themselves. Then
they would walk ten or twelve miles to the next village, Vinoba
leading at a pace that left the others struggling breathlessly behind.
With him were always a few close assistants, a bevy of young,
idealistic volunteers—teenagers and young adults, male and some
female, mostly from towns or cities—plus maybe some regular Sarvodaya
workers, a landlord, a politician, or an interested Westerner.
At the host village they would be greeted by a brass band, a makeshift
archway, garlands, formal welcomes by village leaders, and shouts of
“Sant Vinoba, Sant Vinoba!” (“Saint Vinoba!”)
After breakfast, the Bhoodan workers would fan out through the
village, meeting the villagers, distributing literature, and taking
pledges. Vinoba himself would be settled apart, meeting with visitors,
reading newspapers, answering letters.
In late afternoon, there would be a prayer meeting, attended by
hundreds or thousands of villagers from the area. After a period of
reciting and chanting, Vinoba would speak to the crowd in his quiet,
high-pitched voice. His talk would be completely improvised, full of
rich images drawn from Hindu scripture or everyday life, exhorting the
villagers to lives of love, kinship, sharing. At the close of the
meeting, more pledges would be taken.
There were no free weekends on this itinerary, no holidays, no days
off. The man who led this relentless crusade was 57 years old,
suffered from chronic dysentery, chronic malaria, and an intestinal
ulcer, and restricted himself, because of his ulcer, to a diet of
honey, milk, and yogurt.
As the campaign gained momentum, friends and detractors alike watched
in fascination. In the West, too, Vinoba’s effort drew attention. In
the United States, major articles on Vinoba appeared in the New York
Times, the New Yorker—Vinoba even appeared on the cover of Time.
By the time of the 1954 Sarvodaya conference, the Gandhians had
collected over 3 million acres nationwide. The total eventually
reached over 4 million. Much of this land turned out to be useless,
and in many cases landowners reneged on their pledges. Still, the
Gandhians were able to distribute over 1 million acres to India’s
landless poor—far more than had been managed by the land reform
programs of India’s government. About half a million families
benefited.
Meanwhile, Vinoba was shifting his efforts to a new gear—a higher one.
After 1954, Vinoba began asking for “donations” not so much of land
but of whole villages. He named this new program Gramdan—“village-
gift.”
Gramdan was a far more radical program than Bhoodan. In a Gramdan
village, all land was to be legally owned by the village as a whole,
but parceled out for the use of individual families, according to
need. Because the families could not themselves sell, rent, or
mortgage the land, they could not be pressured off it during hard times
—as normally happens when land reform programs bestow land title on
poor individuals.
Village affairs were to be managed by a village council made up of all
adult members of the village, making decisions by consensus—meaning
the council could not adopt any decision until everyone accepted it.
This was meant to ensure cooperation and make it much harder for one
person or group to benefit at the expense of others.
While Bhoodan had been meant to prepare people for a nonviolent
revolution, Vinoba saw Gramdan as the revolution itself.
Like Gandhi, Vinoba believed that the divisiveness of Indian society
was a root cause of its degradation and stagnation. Before the
villagers could begin to improve their lot, they needed to learn to
work together. Gramdan, he felt, with its common land ownership and
cooperative decision-making, could bring about the needed unity.
And once this was achieved, the “people’s power” it would release
would make anything possible.
Vinoba’s Gramdan efforts progressed slowly until 1965, when an easing
of Gramdan’s requirements was joined to the launching of a “storm
campaign.” By 1970, the official figure for Gramdan villages was
160,000—almost one-third of all India’s villages!
But it turned out that it was far easier to get a declaration of
Gramdan than to set it up in practice. By early 1970, only a few
thousand villages had transferred land title to a village council. In
most of these, progress was at a standstill. What’s more, most of
these few thousand villages were small, single-caste, or tribal—not
even typical Indian villages.
By 1971, Gramdan as a movement had collapsed under its own weight.
Still, the Gramdan movement left behind more than a hundred Gramdan
“pockets”—some made up of hundreds of villages—where Gandhian workers
settled in for long-term development efforts. These pockets today form
the base of India’s Gandhian movement. In these locales, the Gandhians
are helping some of India’s poorest by organizing Gandhian-style
community development and nonviolent action campaigns against
injustice.
As for Vinoba, he returned to his ashram for the final time in June
1970, after thirteen years of continual marching and five more of
presiding over the “storm campaign.”
During his final years, Vinoba continued to inspire new programs—for
instance, Women’s Power Awakening, a Gandhian version of women’s
liberation. He also launched an ongoing campaign against “cow
slaughter” to try to halt the butchering of useful farm animals, a
practice destructive of India’s traditional agriculture.
In the mid-1970s, Vinoba and some close followers became estranged
from Sarva Seva Sangh when he opposed the nationwide protest movement
of fellow Gandhian Jayaprakash Narayan against the government of Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi (no relation to the Mahatma). The “JP Movement”
led to Indira Gandhi’s infamous declaration of Emergency and then
indirectly to her temporary ouster from office. In the long run, the
value of that movement’s accomplishments proved open to question, and
much of Vinoba’s criticism of it was borne out.
Vinoba died on November 15, 1982. In his dying, as in his living, he
was deliberate, instructive, and, in a way, lighthearted. After
suffering a heart attack, Vinoba decided to “leave his body before his
body left him.” He therefore simply stopped eating until his body
released him.
Another Great Soul had passed.
More on Vinoba and the Sarvodaya Movement
Most of these titles can be difficult to buy. For possible sources,
see Other Gandhi Resources on my Gandhi Page.
Vinoba on Gandhi, by Vinoba Bhave, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1973.
Selected talks. Clear, lucid, and sometimes controversial.
Democratic Values, by Vinoba Bhave, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1964.
Selected talks on his social philosophy.
Selections from Vinoba, edited by Vishwanath Tandon, Sarva Seva Sangh,
Benares, 1981.
Gandhi Today: A Report on Mahatma Gandhi’s Successors, Simple
Productions, Arcata, California, 1987 (reprinted by Seven Locks Press,
Washington, D.C., 1987). Includes the more complete account from which
this article is drawn.
Since Gandhi: India’s Sarvodaya Movement, by Mark Shepard, Greenleaf
Books, Weare, New Hampshire, 1984. Booklet, mimeographed. An earlier,
more detailed, more critical account—with much unauthorized editing.
Also lists additional sources. Available only from Greenleaf Books.
India’s Walking Saint: The Story of Vinoba Bhave, by Hallam Tennyson,
Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1955. A first-hand account by a
visiting American Quaker.
Gandhi to Vinoba: The New Pilgrimage, by Lanza del Vasto, Schocken,
New York, 1974. Biography, plus a journal of a Bhoodan tour. By a
prominent European Gandhian and the founder of the Community of the
Ark.
Vinoba: His Life and Work, by Sriman Narayan, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay, 1970.
Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by Vishwanath Tandon, Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting, New Delhi, 1992. (Acharya is a title of respect
meaning “spiritual teacher.”)
Fragments of a Vision: A Journey through India’s Gramdan Villages, by
Erica Linton, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1971. By a visiting
Englishwoman. An inspiration for my own book.
Nonviolent Revolution in India, by Geoffrey Ostergaard, JP Amrit Kosh,
Sevagram, and Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, 1985. An extensive
scholarly treatment of the Gandhians after Gandhi, though slanted more
toward Jayaprakash Narayan.
Contact Info
For info on contacting today’s Gandhians, please see Other Gandhi
Resources on my Gandhi Page.
Read the book!
Gandhi Today
A Report on India’s Gandhi Movement
By Mark Shepard
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
INDIA: A Man on Foot
Monday, May. 11, 1953
The farms around Benares, India's holy city, are nourished by the
sacred Ganges. The soil is black and crumbly, as rich-looking as
chocolate. Cane grows as high as a man's head. Water is knee-deep in
the lush paddies. It is a happy land, where plump little children
stand beside the road, laugh and wave to passing automobiles, where
slender farm girls, with water jars balanced gracefully on their
heads, smile shyly before covering their faces with colorful head
cloths. Old men sit in the doorways of mud huts, contentedly puffing
on long-stemmed hookahs.
But as the traveler goes on across the sluggish River Son, then turns
south into the state of Bihar, the landscape begins to change. The
land is dry and almost desert-like. Scattered here & there, like the
bare bones of long-dead hills, are piles of gigantic stones. Jackals
wander across the fields, and black kites wheel lazily in the sky.
Tiny villages huddle beside the road, and when an automobile
approaches, naked children cower in fright, then invariably, as
panicky chickens do, dart into the car's path. Gaunt women, stripped
to the waist, work in the fields.
Trudging across this bleak land last week, surrounded by adoring
crowds wherever he went, was a gentle, half-deaf little wisp of a man,
dressed in the garb of poverty—a homespun dhoti and cheap brown canvas
sneakers—but lighted by a flame of authority that has made him one of
India's most notable spiritual leaders. His name is Vinoba Bhave
(pronounced bah vay). He has no place in the government or any other
secular organization; he is what Hindus call an acharya (preceptor).
Only a land with holy cities, sacred rivers and thin margins between
want and plenty could have produced frail (5 ft. 4 in., 86 Ibs.),
ascetic Vinoba Bhave. In two years he has become such a power in India
that only Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is better known to the
Indian masses.
New Urgency. Vinoba, as he is known to millions, was a trusted and
faithful disciple of the late Mahatma Gandhi. He even looks somewhat
like Gandhi, except for a grey beard and frowsy dark hair. He has the
same emaciated body, wears the same sort of bifocal glasses, speaks in
the same calm, soft voice, with kindly humor. One of the most learned
men in India, he has studied Sanskrit, Persian, Urdu, Hindi, Marathi,
Gujarati, Bengali, Telugu, Kanarese, Malayalam and English, and this
array of languages serves him well on his travels through polyglot
India. It is not for his learning, however, that India's millions have
given their hearts to Vinoba Bhave. They have done that because he,
like their beloved Bapu (as they call Gandhi), has brought them a new
hope.
It is no new doctrine that Vinoba preaches. It only seems so, because
the times have given it new urgency. Walking from one to another of
India's 700,000 villages, he asks those who have land to share it with
those who have none. Without using the words of the gentle Evangelist
who preceded him by two thousand years, he tells his audiences that it
is more blessed to give than to receive. To those who have land he
says: "I have come to loot you with love. If you have four sons,
consider me as the fifth, and accordingly give me my share." To
impoverished tenants and landless laborers he says: "We are all
members of a single human family."
The results of this simple approach to man's better nature have been
astonishing. Bhave calls his campaign Bhoomidan-yagna, which means a
sacrificial offering of land. Since he began his land distribution
campaign two years ago, Vinoba has walked 6,500 miles on tireless
feet, and has distributed more than a million acres of land to the
poor. The largest single gift was 100,000 acres from a maharajah. The
smallest was a gantha (one fortieth of an acre), donated by a
Telingana peasant who owned only one acre himself.
Every Man's Heart. Not all of the gifts are prompted by charitable
impulse. Some wealthy landowners support Vinoba Bhave and make
donations because they hope his gentle usurpation will appeal to the
mystic strain in all good Hindus more than the violence of Communism.
Bhave has proved that, under certain circumstances, Indians do prefer
his way, that Bhoomidan-yagnn is more effective in ending unrest than
jailing thousands of Reds. "
At one place he said: "Whatever village I go to, people tell me about
the atrocities of the Communists. I pray to God to let the feeling of
love for Communists also reside in my heart. Although the Communists
commit acts of violence, still, hovr can we hate them? I wish everyone
to realize God. I always pray to Him that He should kindle good faith
in the heart of every man." In another village, held in a vise of
terror, he spoke directly to the Communists: "Do you really believe in
your ideology? If so ... why not come in the daytime instead of by
night? If you want to loot the people, loot as I do, with sincerity
and affection."
Every party in India approves of Bhave's movement, including Nehru's
Congress Party and the Socialists—every party, that is, except the
Communists. Even the Communists do not denounce the man or his goal,
only his method (which they profess to scorn as inadequate and
unworkable, despite the fact that it works). For 30 years the Congress
Party has talked land reform, studied schemes, but has accomplished
little. After independence, Nehru turned over land legislation to the
state governments, where it has been obstructed by landowner
interests. Of India's 357 million people, in a land where plague,
pests, drought, floods, debt and ignorance conspire to perpetuate
abject poverty, Bhave is one man who is doing something tangible about
redistributing the land. To the Western eye, there arc visible
shortcomings in Vinoba's Bhoomidan-yagna. It has not increased the
number of acres or the quantity of crops, and therefore—his critics say
—provides no conclusive answer to India's immense agricultural
problem. Although more than 70% of India's people work the land for a
living, the nation must import food or starve. Yet Bhoomidan-yagna has
given pride of ownership to hundreds of thousands, and hope to
millions more.
Eight Swishes. Vinoba Bhave is a sick man: he has a duodenal ulcer and
malaria. For food, he takes only two cups of milk daily, the second
laced with honey. Yet somehow he finds the energy to walk a steady ten
to 20 miles a day. When he is on the road, he and his disciples get up
in some sleeping village at 3 a.m. There is a patter of handclaps, a
tinkling bell, the flash of a kerosene lantern, the shuffling of
sandals in the dust, and the little group departs for the next
village, singing hymns. When he is not on the road, Vinoba gets up an
hour later and meditates for an hour. At 5, he has his first cup of
milk, swishing each mouthful exactly eight times before swallowing.
Bhave's entourage numbers a dozen or more enthusiastic young Hindus,
male and female, average age about 24, who stay three months to a year
with him, so that the membership is constantly changing. Some
disciples usually precede him to the next village, to announce his
arrival from a sound truck and to see that everything is in order
(including latrine-digging, if a big crowd is expected). The only
permanent member of the group is Damadar Das, 38, who joined Gandhi at
18 and became Bhave's secretary after the Mahatma died. Damadar Das
mails copies of Vinoba's speeches to the newspapers and keeps track of
the land deeds, although each one is shrewdly inspected and initialed
by Bhave personally.
Bhave's ashram (retreat) is at Puanar in Madhya Pradesh, about six
miles from Gandhi's former ashram at Wardha. The main bungalow at
Puanar, donated by Gandhi's old benefactor, the late Millionaire
Jamnalal Bajaj, seemed so luxurious to the ascetic Bhave that he was
tempted to refuse it. Finally he accepted, but stripped the bungalow
to its bare walls. Like Gandhi before him, Bhave is an expert spinner
and weaver. Unless it is raining, he sleeps outdoors every night,
whether on the road or at Puanar.
Lifelong Celibacy. Vinoba Bhave was born 57 years ago to a Brahman
(high-caste) family in Gangoda, a village in western India. His given
name was Vinayak, but Gandhi changed it to Vinoba in later years, and
the disciple accepted it as his name. At ten the boy began his career
of holy man: he made a resolution of lifelong celibacy, gave up sweets
and started going barefoot. Gandhi, who in young manhood was a lawyer
and a comfortably married man, admired Vinoba's untarnished virginity.
The Mahatma frequently said that his only regret in life was that he
had known the delights of sex.
At 20, Bhave was shipped off to study at Bombay, but went instead to
Bengal. Apparently (he is reticent about his early life) he joined the
nationalist movement in Bengal, eating at public kitchens. He studied
Sanskrit at Benares, and became deeply immersed in Hindu theology. He
first saw Gandhi in 1916. Being too shy to approach the Mahatma, Bhave
wrote a letter instead, and Gandhi invited him to join the ashram at
Sabarmati. When Gandhi learned that his new follower had not written
to his family for several years, he sat down himself and wrote to
Bhave's father: "Your Vinoba is with me. His spiritual attainments are
such as I myself attained only after a long struggle."
Return Before Nightfall. Bhave was restless at Sabarmati, however, and
went away to study more Sanskrit, telling Gandhi that if he did not
find peace of soul he would be back in a year. Over the ensuing
months, the others in the ashram forgot his promise, but one morning
at prayers, the Mahatma said that this was the day Vinoba had promised
to return. Vinoba was back before nightfall.
In 1932 Bhave suffered his first arrest for taking part in Gandhi's
civil-disobedience movement. Thereafter he spent several more terms in
British jail, serving a total of about two years. After India won her
nationhood, through the bloody communal riots between Hindus and
Moslems and through Gandhi's death, Bhave remained in obscurity,
except for occasional newspaper articles carrying his strictures
against money. To Bhave, money "tells lies and is like a loafing
tramp." For a medium of exchange he favored scrip, showing the number
of hours a person had worked to earn it.
Two years ago he went to the state of Hyderabad to attend a meeting of
Gandhi's old disciples. The Communists were terrorizing Hyderabad,
especially the Telingana district, and Bhave was appalled by what he
found there.
Culture & Blood Baths. In the 10,000 square miles of Telingana,
8,000,000 peasants had long suffered the worst land tyranny in India.
They were virtual serfs, without hope of getting land of their own.
Communist guerrillas moved in to correct this—in their own way. They
killed or put to flight scores of landowners, distributed the land,
seized whole villages and set up their own schools. In battles between
guerrillas and state constables backed by government troops, 3,000
people were killed and 35,000 Reds jailed. Both landowners and farmers
were caught in the murderous crossfire.
Bhave wandered into areas from which the police had warned him to stay
away, but he was unharmed. At first he preached ahimsa (Gandhi's old
nonviolence), but he soon saw that this was not enough. "I confess,"
he said, "that the incendiary and murderous activities did not unnerve
me, because I know that the birth of a new culture has always been
accompanied in the past by blood baths. What is needed is not to get
panicky, but to keep our heads cool and find a peaceful means of
resolving the conflict. The police are not expected to think out and
institute reforms. To clear a jungle of tigers, their employment would
be useful. But here we have to deal with human beings, however
mistaken and misguided. When a new idea is born, new repression cannot
combat it."
Then Vinoba Bhave thought of asking landowners to give land to the
landless, saying (or at least politely implying) that if they did not,
the Communists or the government might take it away. Thus Bhoomidan-
yagna was born, in bloody Telingana. Even the Nizam of Hyderabad,
reputed one of the richest and most miserly men in the world, gave
some land, though neither the Nizam nor Bhave would say how much (the
merit acquired by giving is lost by boasting of it). Some 35,000 acres
were collected and reassigned to the most destitute. Gradually the
revolt and the terror died down.
Palms & Mango Leaves. Prime Minister Nehru's government was delighted.
Nehru too is Gandhi's heir—but a modern, half-Westernized one. Gandhi
had a political core which Bhave ignores and Nehru has inherited.
Nehru, moreover, believes in industrialization and irrigation and vast
schemes; Bhave believes in self-denial and spinning wheels. After
Bhave's triumph in Telingana, Nehru wanted him to come to New Delhi
and discuss Bhoomidan-yagna with the National Planning Commission, and
offered to send a plane down to fly Vinoba back. Vinoba said: "I will
come, but in my own time, and as always." He walked, with members of
his ashram. New Delhi was 795 miles away.
That slow plodding to the capital, which took two months, was a
triumphant journey. At nearly every town and village, Bhave found
arbors of palms and mango leaves erected for him to walk through.
Underfed, ragged villagers crowded around to touch the holy man's
feet, and to bathe them when he would stop for a rest. Municipal
dignitaries garlanded him with flowers, which the little ascetic
passed back to the crowd. At each departure, the elders walked with
him a mile toward the next village. And at every stop, he held a
prayer meeting and carried on with Bhoomidan-yagna.
At New Delhi, he stayed in a bamboo hut near the concrete ghat in
which Gandhi's body was cremated. Nehru called twice, in the midst of
a busy election campaign. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President of India,
came and told Bhave to take as much as he wanted of Prasad's land
holding in Bihar. Members of the Planning Commission came and stayed
for hours. Even a delegation of Communists, headed by Party Boss Ajoy
Ghosh, paid a courteous visit. After eleven days, Bhave left New Delhi
and has not been back to the capital since. He dislikes cities.
No Animal Matter. Three months ago, while walking through Bihar,
Vinoba Bhave was seized with acute malaria. His temperature rose above
103, but he kept on walking as long as he could, then continued by
bullock cart. In Chandil, a small village, he collapsed and was put to
bed, but he refused all medication. "God," he said, "either wants to
free me or desires to purify this body for employing it again in His
work." He also refused to be taken to a hospital in Patna, the state
capital. Said he: "Do not people also die in Patna?"
Crowds gathered around the house where the holy man lay ill. Half a
dozen state and national government officials sent doctors to care for
him. Dr. Prasad and others pleaded with him to take the drugs they
prescribed.
Finally, on being assured that the medicines contained no animal
matter, Bhave consented. He improved almost immediately. During his
convalescence, Nehru and Prasad flew down for a visit. And his
disciples carried on with Bhoomidan-yagna, collecting 33,000 acres of
land. When Bhave took to the road again, the donations came in so fast
that the ash ram's bookkeeping system was almost snowed under. Last
week, after 110 miles of dusty tramping in Bihar, he had picked up
another 365,000 acres.
The Way of Love. Nowadays Vinoba Bhave reads only three books:
Euclid's Elements, Aesop's Fables and the Bhagavad Gita. For him, as
for Gandhi, the Bhagavad Gita is the supreme book of human guidance.
This great Sanskrit poem, imbedded in a larger work called the
Mahabharata, is later than the Vedas and the Upanishads, and fills a
role in the Hindu holy books something like that of the New Testament
in the Bible. During one of his jail terms, Vinoba lectured every
Sunday on the Gita. He translated it into Marathi* verse, and this
work sold about a quarter of a million copies.
The Gita prescribes three paths for the soul's union with God: karma-
yoga, the way of action, Jnana-yoga, the way of knowledge, and bhakti-
yoga, the way of love. The poem is set in the frame of bloody battle,
a great battle on the plain of Kurukshetra. The hero, Arjuna, is
downcast because he must fight against men who, he suspects, are his
brothers, even though they are foes, and the god Krishna givers Arjuna
advice. Krishna persuades Arjuna that it is permissible to fight,
indeed, that he must fight, so long as the struggle serves no selfish
ends. Although most Indian scholars believe that the poem refers to a
real battle, Gandhi was so deeply committed to nonviolence that he
convinced himself that the battle of Kurukshetra was an allegory, that
it portrayed the conflict of good & evil in the human heart.
Bhave practices karma-yoga, the way to God through action in the
world: "You must perform every action sacramentally, and be free from
all attachment to results." It is not to be undertaken with out first
mastering the other yogas, learning control of the body, the breathing
and the mind; learning concentration through love and devotion by
prayer; gaining knowledge by meditation.
Vinoba Bhave has read and admired the scriptures of other religions,
and he knows that the way of love was discovered long ago in many
places outside the mountain-walled subcontinent of India. Yet in this
racked century, the way of love seems, as Bhoomidan-yagna shows,
always new.
"My object," says Vinoba Bhave, "is to transform the whole of society.
Fire merely burns; it does not worry whether anyone puts a pot on it,
fills it with water and puts rice in it to make a meal. Fire burns and
does its duty. It is for others to do theirs.
"The people are going to solve their problems, not I. I am simply
creating an atmosphere. The beginning is always small, but when the
atmosphere spreads, somebody will ask—and somebody will give."
*A Sanskritic language spoken in western India.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,935318,00.html
...and I am Sid Harth
Religion: Instant Energy
Monday, Jul. 26, 1976
"In this country they have Father's Day and Mother's Day, and they
might as well have a Guru's Day," said the small, closely cropped
Indian dressed in a red wool ski hat, red silk robes and red knee
socks. He was himself a notable guru, Muktananda Paramahansa. So, last
week at a secluded retreat that was once a Catskill Mountains resort
hotel in upstate New York, more than 2,000 followers staged a day-long
celebration in honor of the man they consider a saint.
There were prayer sessions from which rose chants of Sanskrit verses.
Then the blue lights in the meditation hall dimmed, and the faithful
swayed rhythmically to and fro. Finally, Muktananda proclaimed (in
Mindi, a Hindi dialect), "Now is the auspicious hour of the auspicious
day. The sun and moon are strong." That heralded the main event: the
marriage of 16 couples, the women in saris, with garlands of flowers.
The guru, who is licensed to perform weddings as a minister in an
ordination mill called the Universal Life Church, blessed the rings
and said, "May you live together in love."
Muktananda, 68, known to his followers as Baba (father), is America's
newest fashionable guru. With 62 centers in North America besides the
Catskills ashram, he has attracted more than 20,000 devotees since his
arrival in 1974. He has also received respectful visits from such
celebrities as California Governor Jerry Brown, Singers James Taylor
and Carly Simon, Anthropologist Carlos Castaneda and Astronaut Edgar
Mitchell. At home in India, too, he has a considerable following.
There are centers of his disciples all over the subcontinent. He will
return there this fall in a chartered Air India 747, together with 400
American devotees and a pet bull terrier. But this is undoubtedly not
his last sojourn in the U.S. Says the guru: "Americans are good,
loving and affectionate, law-abiding and disciplined. They have
everything material; now they are searching for and deserve to find
true happiness." Americans who encounter the guru return the
compliment. Says Joy Anderson, a former dancer who now runs the
Catskills ashram with her husband: "He is the perfect guru for the
West. We expect when we put something in to get something out —like
instant coffee—and from Baba you get instant experience."
The principles of Muktananda's teachings are traditionally Hindu:
"Meditate on yourself. Honor and worship your own inner being. God
dwells within you as you." But whereas most gurus lead their disciples
through a slow evolutionary process, Muktananda transmits shakti—
energy or elemental force—in one two-day ritual of teaching and
meditation called an "intensive" (fee, plus modest room and board:
$100). In the climactic moment, the guru places his fingers on the
disciple's closed eyes and gently pushes the head back and forth. The
disciple is then supposed to feel the power flowing into him as if by
an electric charge. Some people say they have experienced flashing
lights, visions, ethereal sounds, and even, among women, orgasm.
Molten Gold. Muktananda had much the same experience himself when he
was initiated by his teacher Nityan-anda in 1947. Inspired at the age
of 15 by his first encounter with the man, he left his home in
southern India to seek out various sages and swamis. Twenty-five years
later he found Nityananda again: "His eyes, wide open, were gazing
straight into mine. I was dazed, I could not close my eyes; I had lost
all power of volition. I saw a ray of light entering me from his
pupils. It felt hot, like burning fever. Its color kept changing from
molten gold to saffron to a shade deeper than the blue of a shining
star. I stood utterly transfixed."
The suppliants who look to Baba Muktananda for such experiences are
generally older than those who follow some other gurus, and they
include a high proportion of professionals: lawyers, actors, educators
and a surprising number of psychologists. Attorney Ron Friedland, 35,
is recuperating from a heart attack. During his convalescence, he
says, he learned that "if you have taken all there is to take out of a
career, and there is nothing more to aspire to, then you know you only
have one-third of the pie—even if it's the fattest, richest third."
Jerry Bender, 38, was making $50,000 a year in Los Angeles as the
chairman of two small film corporations when he began to feel unhappy
about his high-pressure existence. "Now," he says of his sojourn at
the ashram, "I'm in love for the first time in my life. I'm in love
with life. Before this I was in business. Today I am more creative.
When I go back to my business, I'll probably earn $200,000 a year."
Says Russell Kruckman, who once taught literature at Northwestern: "I
don't think people come here looking for a religion. What they come
for is an experience that will give meaning and substance to their
lives. You don't have to believe or profess anything to be a follower
of Baba. We don't become Hindus. People get whatever it is they get
from Baba, and their lives are changed."
Sometimes the changes are small indeed. A number of disciples report
having donated a pack of cigarettes to the guru and thereby been freed
from the desire to smoke (others, even after the guru has touched them
with his sheaf of peacock feathers, still sneak out of the ashram for
a quick puff). But many testify that the guru has genuinely helped
them to cast off "negative emotions" and achieve a certain
tranquillity. Says Muktananda of his own mysterious powers: "I am
however you see me. If you see me as a saint, I am a saint. If you see
me as a fool, I am a fool. If you see me as an ordinary man, I am an
ordinary man." Asked how he sees himself, he answers, "I see myself as
myself."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,914413,00.html
Behavior: THE TM CRAZE: 40 Minutes to Bliss
Monday, Oct. 13, 1975
Before each game, New York Jets Quarterback Joe Namath finds a quiet
spot and seems to nod off. In the middle of a gale on Long Island
Sound, while her friends are wrestling with lines and sails, Wendy
Sherman, a Manhattan adwoman, slips to the bow of a 36-ft. yawl, makes
herself as comfortable as she can, and closes her eyes. On warm
afternoons in Rome, Ga., Municipal Court Judge Gary Hamilton and his
wife Virginia can be found on their screened porch, apparently dozing.
It is not a compulsion to sleep that these and perhaps 600,000 other
Americans have in common. It is TM, or Transcendental Meditation, a
ritual that they practice almost religiously twice a day and every
day.
Last week the man who brought TM to America and the rest of the world,
Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, was in the U.S. on one of his infrequent visits
to spread The Word. The white-bearded guru visited his new university,
the Maharishi International University in Iowa, and then flew to Los
Angeles, where he taped the Merv Griffin show. Scores of his followers
were in the audience, welcoming their leader with the traditional
Indian greeting in which the hands are held, prayer-like, just below
the chin.
"He's the greatest spiritual leader of our age," proclaimed one of the
Maharishi's devoted band. "He hasn't established a religion, but a
knowledge to benefit mankind."
Outside the TV studio, however, a group of Christian fundamentalists
was present to demonstrate that the diminutive guru has attracted more
than a few detractors. JESUS IS THE LORD, NOT MAHARISHI, read their
signs. The Maharishi saw them, then was whisked away in his limousine
to a suite in the Beverly Wilshire Hotel. "We are not a religion," he
retorted.
Why is there so much fuss about something so arcane-sounding as
Transcendental Meditation? Simple. TM is the turn-on of the '70s—a
drugless high that even the narc squad might enjoy.
All it demands of its practitioners is that they sit still for 20
minutes each morning and evening and silently repeat, over and over
again, their specially assigned Sanskrit word, or mantra.
This simple exercise is the cureall, its adherents claim, for almost
everything from high blood pressure and lack of energy to alcoholism
and poor sexual performance. "I use it the way I'd use a product of
our technology to overcome nervous tension," says Stanford Law
Professor John Kaplan. "It's a nonchemical tranquilizer with no
unpleasant side effects."
That recommendation alone is enough for many people in this Valium-
saturated age, and the TM organization can scarcely keep up with those
seeking nirvana by the numbers. Some 30,000 are signing up every month—
more than three times as many as a year ago. There are now 370 TM
centers around the country, and around 6,000 TM teachers.
The movement is biggest in that supermarket of Eastern cults and fads,
California, which claims 123,000 meditators. According to the TM
organization's statistics, there are also 300,000 TM meditators and
2,000 teachers in other countries. Canada leads the way with 90,000,
followed by West Germany (54,000).
Books about TM are on both the hardcover and paperback bestseller
lists, up there, for the moment at least, with the joys of sex, the
dictates of diet, and the woes of Watergate.*
Maharishi International University occupies a 185-acre campus in
Fairfield, Iowa, and is offering 600 students courses in such ordinary
subjects as administration as well as such esoterica as "Astronomy,
Cosmology and the Science of Creative Intelligence" (SCI, as it is
always called, is the grand and somewhat amorphous theory behind TM).
The revenues of the World Plan Executive Council-U.S., the umbrella
name for the burgeoning American TM movement, now amount to $12
million a year.
At national headquarters in Los Angeles, 60 full-time employees
oversee a conglomerate of euphoria that includes the Students
International Meditation Society, which has programs on 100 campuses;
the International Meditation Society, which gives both beginning and
advanced TM courses; and the American Foundation for the Science of
Creative Intelligence, which caters to businessmen. In addition to the
many TM centers, there are also five fully owned and hundreds of
rented country retreats offering lectures, seminars and advanced
meditation (up to 120 minutes a day, or three times the usual dosage).
One such center that the movement owns is set amid 465 acres of
unspoiled countryside at Livingston Manor in New York's Catskill
Mountains. It has a 350-room hotel, a sophisticated printing plant for
the masses of TM newsletters and other literature, and a videotape and
sound-recording complex worthy of a TV network.
TM is even setting up a television station in Los Angeles. Channel 18
is scheduled to go on the air in November with taped lectures by the
Maharishi and variety shows featuring such famous meditators as Stevie
Wonder, Peggy Lee and the Beach Boys, who have written a one-line TM
song ("Transcendental Meditation is good for you"). Station KSCI will
report only good news. there is talk of a TM network sending smiles
from sea to sea.
TM is often mistaken for other nostrums of the '60s and '70s, but it
has little or no relationship to most of them. For example, Esalen,
which inspired the encounter movement in the '60s, in cludes such
therapy as nude communal bathing and rolfing—deep-probing, painful
massages that are supposed to release the unawakened consciousness.
Arica, a nationwide spiritual organi zation, searches for "the
Essential Self through, among other things, Egyptian gymnastics and
African dances. Meditation is only incidental to Arica, and involves
concentrating on the plan ets Jupiter and Saturn and the colors blue
and black. Est, a San Francisco-based group, puts large numbers of
people together in a room and keeps them there for up to 15 hours at a
time, with only three toilet breaks. This supposedly forces modern man
to look at his existential roots and discover, as Founder Werner
Erhard phrases it, that "what is, is." Because of the confusion of
names, the Maharishi is also often mistaken for the junior guru, the
Maharaj Ji, 17, the pudgy, high-living "Perfect Master" of the Divine
Light sect. In contrast to all of the other consciousness-raising
groups, TM appears refreshingly dull and commonplace.
The only exotic component of TM, indeed, is the some what mysterious
figure of the Maharishi himself. Questioned about his past, he roars
with laughter. "You see," he explained to TIME'S Robert Kroon, "I am a
monk, and as a monk I am not expected to think of my past.
It is not important where I come from. I am totally detached and
peripatetic, like Socrates."
This much is known: he was born in India's Central prov ince some time
around 1918 (he refuses to give his age) into the Kshatriya or warrior
caste. In 1940 he took a degree in physics at Allahabad University. He
decided, however, to seek enlightenment in a less scientific and more
orthodox Indian way: he spent 13 years, from 1940 to 1953, with Guru
Dev, a swami who left home at the age of nine to seek enlightenment.
Guru Dev revived a lost meditation technique that originated in the
Vedas, the oldest Hindu writings. According to one legend, Guru Dev
charged the Maharishi with a mission: to find a technique that would
enable the masses to meditate. The Maharishi hid away in the Himalayas
for two years. When he emerged, he started the TM movement. In 1956 he
took the name Maharishi, meaning Great Seer in Sanskrit. Now in his
late 50s—though looks as old as the Vedas themselves—the Maharishi, by
all accounts, is a living advertisement for the energy TM supposed to
release. He is forever jeting round the world to visit TM centers in
89 countries. Last month, for ample, he was in Courchevel, a ski
resort in the French Alps, where the movement has temporarily
converted the posh Anapurna Hotel into a training center. In
Courchevel, the Maharishi has a two-seater helicopter always at the
ready to save driving up and down the mountains. The center is a place
of great contrasts. Near the hotel's indoor swimming pool there is a
dais covered with a saffron-colored cloth and surmounted by a portrait
of Guru Dev. Yet nearby is the inevitable color TV studio, ready to
record the Maharishi's every word and gesture.
His aides are always awed and reverential around him. The headquarters
of the movement, they say, is not in one physical spot but rather
"wherever Maharishi is"—true believers do not use the article before
his name. He is the only one in the movement who is not expected to
and does not meditate on a regular basis. "He doesn't have to," says
Robert Cranson, who served two years as one of his secretaries. "He
long ago achieved a perpetual fourth state of consciousness. The
clarity of his mind is awesome."
The Maharishi believes that if only 1% of the population any community
or country is meditating, the other 99% will feel good effects and
crime will be reduced. If 5% meditates, he adds, great things will
really begin to happen. "A good time for the world is coming," he
says. "I see the dawn of the Age of Enlightenment. I am only giving
expression to the phenomenon that is taking place."
Whether the Age of Enlightenment is at hand remains to be seen, but
meditating the TM way is in fact as easy as the Maharishi says it is.
First off, a would-be meditator must attend two introductory lectures
of an hour to an hour and a half. Tl if he is still interested, he
pays his fee: $125 for an individual with lower rates for college and
high school students and children four (the minimum age) to ten.
The initiate takes off his shoes and gathers his "offering": a fresh,
white handkerchief, several pieces of sweet fruit and a bunch of
flowers. TM claims to be totally secular, and the offerings are
supposedly meant only as symbols: the flowers represent the flowers of
life, the fruit the seed of life, and the handkerchief the cleansing
of the spirit. After handing over his gifts, the newcomer is taken to
a private room, where his teacher lights candles and incense and
places the fruit, flowers and ha kerchief on an altar under a color
portrait of Guru Dev. The teacher then chants in Sanskrit and
introduces the meditator to his mantra, the one word that is meant to
keep him meditating for the rest of his life.
The meditator is never supposed to reveal his mantra—not to wife,
husband, lover or children. Each teacher is personally given a set of
mantras by the Maharishi—exactly 17 according to one knowledgeable
source. He must parcel them out to his initiates, based on a secret
formula that presumably includes temperament and profession. Duly
initiated, the fledgling meditator is ready for his meditating
classes, which last about an hour and a half each and which must be
taken on three consecutive days or nights. Together with others, up to
50 or more, he sits in a lecture room, meditates for ten minutes or
so, opens his eyes with the others, then meditates again. With the
help of charts and diagrams, TM theories are explained by instructors
who, following the movement's dress code, are invariably well-groomed
and conservatively clothed.
How do you meditate? According to Physicist Lawrence Domash,
chancellor of the Maharishi European Research University in Weggis,
Switzerland, describing meditation is like "trying to explain the
innards of a color television set to a tribe of Pygmies. What you can
do is tell the Pygmy how to switch on the set and tune in to a station
so he can enjoy the program." In fact, say the TM people, there is no
wrong way to meditate. About 30 seconds after the eyes close, the
mantra should come into the mind on its own; if it refuses, the
meditator gently nudges it and starts repeating it silently to
himself. He does not have to repeat it at any particular speed or to
any special rhythm, such as his heart beat or his breathing. Other
thoughts can come into his mind—they almost invariably do—and the
mantra can slip away for a time, to come back a few seconds or a few
minutes later.
There are only a few rules for meditation. It must be done for 20
minutes (some people, for reasons that only their teachers know, are
prescribed only 15 minutes) in the morning and late afternoon or
evening, but it must never be done before going to bed. One couple who
violated the rule by meditating at 9:30 p.m. told TIME Reporter-
Researcher Anne Hopkins that they were so full of energy afterward
that they could not fall asleep until 4 a.m. It must never be done
immediately after a meal. Meditating can be done almost anywhere—on
trains, in cars, in hotel lobbies.
The only real no-no in meditating is trying. If you try to be a good
meditator, you will, paradoxically, almost certainly be a bad
meditator. Meditating, TM officials insist, cannot be forced, and it
must be done in all innocence, a word they use over and over again.
"If you list instructions, you can't do it," asserts Charles Donahue,
coordinator of TM's Northeast region. "It's like falling asleep. You
can tell someone what he has to do—brush his teeth, put on his p.j.s
and so on—before going to bed. But how do you describe the actual
process of falling asleep? You can't."
Even TM officials admit that 20% to 25% of the people who try TM give
it up after a while. Others claim the apostasy rate is still higher.
One of those who quit is Victor Zukowski, owner of a Sharon, Mass.,
beauty parlor. "Look, I really tried," he says. "I paid my $125,
attended all the sessions, and submitted to a ridiculous initiation
ceremony. I meditated for six months, and do you know what happened? I
fell asleep ev ery time. I just don't think it's right to charge
people $125 for nothing."
For many people, however, TM seems to work:
¶ Richard Nolan, 31, is a Democratic Congressman from Minnesota. "When
you are in the political arena," he says, "your day can start at 6 or
7 in the morning at a plant gate, and before you know it, it's 4 in
the afternoon and you still have hours of work in front of you. That's
when it is nice to meditate, so you can get the rest you need."
¶ Marilyn Forman, 40, is a housewife in Melville, Long Is land. When
she found herself screaming at her two children and wondering, "Why
can't I control myself?" she signed up for TM.
By the end of her second week she felt noticeably less tense and
realized that her "boiling point" had been raised to a reasonable
level. "Whatever TM does," she says, "it releases those pressured,
tense, harried feelings we all have from life today."
¶ Curly Smith, 53, a native Oklahoman, is now a land developer in
Boulder City, Nev., living "mighty fine"—enough to pilot his own Lear
jet. "I'm a very practical person," he says. "I found that with TM I
could take life's pressures better. My mind was clearer, and I had a
better disposition. The darndest thing about it is that all you have
to do is say your mantra twice a day.
Period. Everything else just falls into place. With me, I immediately
lost my taste for booze. I mean, my friends back in Okie City couldn't
believe that. Curly Smith not drinkin'. Lord Almighty!"
These glowing testimonials are reinforced by scientific studies that
at least partially back up TM's claims. The tests are relatively new
and not definitive enough to amount to final proof in the eyes of most
doctors, who are also made a little uncomfortable by the fact that
much of the research has been carried out under the auspices of the TM
organization or has been published by the Maharishi International
University Press. Among significant findings:
¶ Blood pressure drops. Working with 22 hypertensive patients for 63
weeks, two researchers from Harvard and U.C.L.A. found a significant
drop in systolic and diastolic blood pressure after the patients began
meditating.
¶ Oxygen consumption is as much as 18% lower during meditation,
according to a study by the same researchers. This denotes a marked
slowing of the metabolism.
¶ Alpha waves, produced by electrical activity in the brain and
generally associated with a feeling of relaxation, become denser and
more widespread in the brain during meditation.
This has been established in studies by a neurologist at Massachusetts
General Hospital in Boston and by two psychiatrists at Hartford's
Institute of Living.
¶ Other studies show meditators becoming less dependent on cigarettes,
liquor and drugs or hallucinogens of any kind.
The Federal Government has so far funded 17 TM research projects,
ranging from the effects of meditation on the body to its ability to
help rehabilitate convicts and fight alcoholism. Some companies even
think that TM can improve corporate efficiency. TM courses have been
given at, among others, AT&T, General Foods, Connecticut General Life
Insurance Co., Blue Cross/Blue Shield in Chicago, and the Crocker
National Bank of San Francisco.
The chief scientific challenge to TM is not that it is wrong but
rather that it is not the only meditative technique to benefit the
body. Says Dr. John Laragh, director of the cardiovascular unit at New
York Hospital-Cornell Medical Center in Manhattan and perhaps the
leading expert on hypertension in the U.S. (TIME cover, Jan. 13):
"I'm not sure that meditating has had any different effect on blood
pressure than relaxing and sitting on a couch and reading a book." To
find out, Laragh will soon conduct his own study of the effects of TM
on a group of hypertension patients. Cardiologist Herbert Benson of
Harvard Medical School, who collaborated on much of the original
scientific research on TM, now says that he has a method that gives
the same results; anybody can learn it in a minute, he says, without a
fee and without going to TM classes. "To say there is really only one
way to get the relaxation response is silly," says Benson, whose book
The Relaxation Response has just been published (Morrow; $5.95).
Simply stated, Benson recommends that the meditator sit down and, with
eyes closed, relax his muscles, beginning with his feet and working up
to his face. He then breathes only through his nose, and as he
breathes out, he says the word one silently to himself. With every
breath out he silently repeats "one," continuing for ten to 20
minutes.
"Anyone who claims exclusivity is immediately suspect," says
Psychiatrist Stanley Dean, summing up the chief scientific complaint
against TM. "The TM people's claim that theirs is the best of all
possible worlds is nonsense. It is a sales gimmick. Meditation has
been a way of achieving mental serenity through the ages, and they
have no patent on it. TM is an important addition to our medical
armamentarium, but it is not exclusive."
Other psychiatrists, always wary of anyone seeming to poach on their
preserve, say that the TM organization does not screen prospective
meditators and that the technique—especially a sequence of extra
meditations called "rounding"—might well cause unstable persons to go
over the edge.
Paradoxically, TM is also criticized for being too practical and not
meditative enough. Most Hindu gurus, for instance, teach one or
another form of yoga, which combines practical exercises with
meditation to achieve union with Brahma—the ultimate reality or
Absolute. Yoga itself is the Sanskrit word for a yoking, or union. The
various branches of Buddhist meditation—Zen and Tibetan, for example—
usually require great discipline and concentration to try similarly to
gain nirvana, that ineffable state of liberation and union with
ultimate reality in which suffering is eliminated and compassion and
wisdom are attained. "Transcendental Meditation does not reach the
stage of giving you awareness of your real self," complains Dr. Kumar
Pal, secretary of the Yoga Institute of Psychology and Physical
Therapy in New Delhi. "It is merely a technique, a very limited
technique, and it is not yogic because it lacks the prerequisites of
yogic meditation. A moral life is the sine qua non of yoga practice.
The students and admirers of Maharishi Mahesh Yogi have no need to
give up sex, liquor and other immoral habits. They are reveling in
immoral habits at the cost of basic moral values." TM, adds A.K.
Krishna Nambiar, publisher and editor of Spiritual India, "can make
you a better executive, but it cannot give you the spiritual ecstasy
that other, more spiritual meditation techniques do. It can never lead
the meditator to turya, the fourth and eventual stage of spiritual
ecstasy which is the final aim of meditation and which makes the
meditator one with and part of the universe."
On the other hand, some Jews and Christians, like the placard-carrying
fundamentalists in Los Angles last week, say that TM, despite its
claims to being purely secular, is really Hinduism in disguise. Their
argument has at least some merit, and though the ordinary meditator
sees traces of religion only in the initiation ceremony, the rites for
TM teachers are permeated with Hindu words and symbols.
The invocation, for example, reads in part: "To Lord Narayana, to
lotus-born Brahma, the Creator, to Vashishta, to Shakti, and to his
son, Parashar, to Vyasa, to Shukadava . . . I bow down . . . At whose
door the whole galaxy of gods pray for perfection day and night,
adorned with immeasurable glory, preceptor of the whole world, having
bowed down to him, we gain fulfillment."
Whatever it has borrowed from Hinduism, TM does owe something to
religious tradition, and all major religions—Christianity, Judaism and
Islam, as well as the Eastern faiths—at one time or another have
included both meditation and the repetition of a mantra-like word.
"Clasp this word tightly in your heart so that it never leaves no
matter what may happen," advised a 14th century Christian treatise,
The Cloud of Unknowing. "This word shall be your shield and your
spear."
Perhaps the most significant fact about the TM craze is that, in the
words of Krister Stendahl, dean of the Harvard Divinity School, it
suggests a "genuine hunger for mystical and religious experiences." It
is the most visible manifestation of the industrialized nations
looking for relief from the pressures of modern life in Eastern
spiritual or quasi-spiritual movements. The ideal of combining Western
technological society with Eastern spiritual serenity has long
appealed to many American and European victims of what they regard as
the tensions of the 20th century. Japan is sometimes cited as having
achieved that ideal, with tycoons coming home from the shipyard or
computer plant and slipping into their kimonos and into the serenity
of the past. This is possible in Japan because it has preserved the
framework of old traditions and values. Without those, TM or any
similar movement in the West can be at best palliative.
Judged on its own terms and used as a technique and not as a religious
panacea, TM works—at least for many. It will not necessarily make
people better, but it may very well make them feel better or, if
nothing else, think that they feel better.
And that is about as much as they can expect from 40 minutes a day.
* TM: Discovering Inner Energy and Overcoming Stress, by Harold
Bloomfield, Michael Peter Cain and Dennis T. Jaffe (Delacorte; $8.95),
and The TM Book, by Denise Denniston and Peter McWilliams (Price/Stern/
Sloan; $3 95). both in third place this week. Another book that deals
in part with TM, Adam Smith's Powers of Mind (Random House; $10), is
due later this month.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,947229,00.html
Mystics: Soothsayer for Everyman
Friday, Oct. 20, 1967
What do Shirley MacLaine, the Beatles, Mia Farrow and the Rolling
Stones have in common? The answer, as any tabloid reader knows by now,
is a starry-eyed devotion to Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, a bearded Indian
guru who preaches a method of "transcendental meditation" that might
be summed up as how to succeed spiritually without really trying.
India, of course, has countless yogis, swamis, mystics and meditators
who variously expound Hinduism's belief that ultimate reality can be
known not through reason, but only through the soul's intuition of
itself. Though some of these holy men have managed to get a hearing
outside their own country, none has done so well in modern times as
the Maharishi (Great Sage), who had a considerable following even
before he met and conquered the Beatles last August while on a lecture
tour of England.
Peace Without Penance. Son of a government revenue inspector, the
Maharishi discovered his concept of transcendental meditation during
two years of seclusion in the Himalayan mountain village of Utar
Kashi. The Great Sage's explanation of his message is a trifle opaque:
"When the conscious mind expands to embrace deeper levels of thinking,
the thought wave becomes more powerful and results in added energy and
intelligence." In a word, some skeptics have suggested, "Think." All
that is required to achieve this state of "pure being," says the guru,
is a little reflective thought, preferably half an hour at a time for
beginners.
The Maharishi has been sharply criticized by other Indian sages, who
complain that his program for spiritual peace without either penance
or asceticism contravenes every traditional Hindu belief. His critics
are also upset by the Maharishi's claim that the Bhagavad Gita,
Hinduism's epic religious poem, has been wrongly interpreted by most
previous commentators. The Maharishi contends that its real lesson is
that "any man, without having to renounce his way of life, can enjoy
the blessings of all these paths" by simply following his own
meditative technique.
Perhaps because of its comfortable teachings, the Maharishi's
"Spiritual Regeneration Movement" has spread quickly outside India.
Transcendental meditation is now practiced by an estimated 100,000
followers in 35 countries from Denmark to New Zealand. Headquarters of
the spiritual empire is the Maharishi's academy on a shaded, 15-acre
site overlooking the sacred Ganges River at Rishikesh, 130 miles north
of New Delhi. When the guru, a bachelor, is not proselytizing about
the globe, he resides at Rishikesh in a simple, red brick bungalow,
where he often meditates for 20 or 30 days at a stretch. His bedroom
is air-conditioned.
Calm & Insight. Last week the academy was being spruced up in
preparation for the arrival of the Beatles. The Liverpool boys are
particularly enthusiastic about the convenience of the Maharishi's
method, since they can be regenerated without interrupting their
schedule. "You can close your eyes in the middle of Piccadilly and
meditate," exults George Harrison. The Beatles, who now meditate at
least once a day, are convinced that the guru's guidance has endowed
them with greater calm and insight.
The Maharishi evidently believes that his teachings are of special
spiritual benefit to affluent, tension-ridden Westerners. In Aalborg,
Denmark, last week, he defended his movement in couch-oriented terms.
"Modern psychology has pointed to the need of educating people to use
a much larger portion of the mind," said he. "Transcendental
meditation fulfills this need. And," he added sagely, "it can be
taught very easily."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,902143,00.html
INDIA: The Five Ms
Monday, May. 02, 1955
Among India's many primitive sects, one of the strangest is the
orgiastic Shakta. The five elements of Shakta worship are madya
(liquor), mamsa (meat), matsya (fish), mudra (grain), and maithuna
(sexual intercourse), and it has long been their custom to worship the
Hindu goddess Shakti by seeking unity of body and soul in communal sex
rites. Such is kanchalia dharam, the ceremony of the blouse.
In kanchalia dharam, the women place their upper garments in a large
earthenware jar and, after all have feasted and drunk, each man draws
out a garment and goes off with its owner, regardless of her marital
ties.
The Old Way. Nehru's modern India would like to change Shakta customs.
The government has sent community development officers into the
villages to instruct the Shaktas in modern farming and hygiene and to
teach them to read and write. The government men noted that the
ancient stone pillars embedded in stone rings —phallic symbols
worshiped by the Shaktas—were gathering moss in some villages, and the
officials concluded confidently that the old practices were on the way
out.
One day last week a 28-year-old Shakta named Odia Patel, clad only in
a loincloth, walked into a magistrate's office in Bali, a district of
Rajasthan in Northwest-Central India. In his hand he held a severed
human nose and a bloodstained knife. Said he: "This is my wife's nose.
I cut it off because she was unfaithful to me. And this is the knife I
used."
The Wedding Costume. Inquiry revealed that Odia's wife was a young
woman named Naji, who came from another village and was not herself a
Shakta. One night Odia told her to put on her wedding costume, a black
kanchalia and a billowing scarlet skirt, scarlet headshawl, heavy
silver bangles, toe rings and silver nose ring. Odia then placed on
her forehead a silver lingam, a highly stylized phallic symbol hung
from a silver chain, and led her to a place where, at the behest of a
guru (priest), 84 Shaktas and their wives had assembled in a secluded
place for the ceremony of kanchalia dharam.
Under the intoning guru's direction, the Shakta women and Naji took
off their blouses and put them in a large earthenware jar, and the
group drank liquor and feasted on goat flesh. But when Naji discovered
the meaning of the ceremony, she refused to participate further. "You
must take part in our sacrament," said the guru. Husband Odia also
insisted. When her blouse was drawn from the jar, Naji ran off into
the darkness.
Shamed by her performance, Odia followed her. "After I cut off her
nose," he told the police, "she begged forgiveness and asked me not to
report the matter to the police, but I refused to listen." When the
police reached Odia's hut, they found that Naji had hanged herself.
She had been faithful, after her own fashion.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,866274,00.html
Unholy Mess: The Bhagwan faces a federal rap
Monday, Nov. 11, 1985
For a holy man, it was a world of trouble. There, in a third-floor
medical cell of the Mecklenburg County jail in Charlotte, N.C., sat
Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh last week, facing 35 counts of conspiring to
violate immigration laws. Back home in Rajneeshpuram, Ore., where he
ran a 1,300-member commune that espouses free love and the good life,
the Bhagwan (Revered One) was accustomed to more deferential
treatment, not to mention a more elegant life- style that offered,
among other amenities, no fewer than 90 Rolls-Royces.
Apparently tipped off that immigration charges against him had been
secretly handed up by a federal grand jury in Portland, the Bhagwan
departed forthwith from Rajneeshpuram. The guru and six disciples
chartered two Learjets and took off so quickly that their pilots had
to obtain final clearances while aloft. As the Bhagwan's retinue tried
to arrange a flight to Bermuda, Federal Aviation Administration
controllers tracked the planes. When Rajneesh's touched down at 2 a.m.
at Charlotte-Douglas International Airport, authorities arrested him.
In reported frail health from diabetes, assorted allergies and back
ailments, the Bhagwan was incarcerated in the prison infirmary.
Rajneesh's need for back surgery was the purported reason for his
coming to the U.S. from Poona, India, in June 1981. The surgery was
never performed, and Immigration and Naturalization Service officials
have charged him with lying about it. The Government also charged the
guru and seven of his aides with arranging sham marriages so that
foreign disciples could move to the U.S. as spouses.
Although the sect leader was accused of immigration-law violations,
INS Agent Joseph Green testified in Charlotte that the guru's
followers were plotting to kill the U.S. Attorney in Portland and the
Oregon attorney general if the Bhagwan was imprisoned. A week earlier,
an Oregon grand jury filed attempted murder charges against Ma Anand
Sheela, 35, the Bhagwan's former secretary. She had fled the commune
in September, prompting accusations from Rajneesh that she had
conspired to murder his physician. Sheela was arrested last week in
West Germany. In addition to the attempted murder indictment, she too
has been charged with violating U.S. immigration laws. If she can be
extradited to the U.S., she may rejoin her guru, not in the commune
she helped establish, but in a courtroom.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,960361,00.html
Books: Transcendence, Incorporated
By HP-Time.com;R.Z. Sheppard Monday, Dec. 24, 1979
KARMA COLA by Gita Mehta
Simon & Schuster; 201 pages; $9.95
The '60s introduced the medium as the message, and the '70s perfected
the package as the product. Both points converge in Karma Cola:
Marketing the Mystic East, where, from millenniums before Marshall
McLuhan and Ernest Dichter, the pitch has been that the substance is
the illusion. And vice versa: not long ago, an Indian airline promoted
a package tour with the slogan NIRVANA FOR $100 A DAY.
Gita Mehta's witty documentary satire illustrates that the cost can be
considerably higher. This is especially true for the thousands of
Europeans and Americans who have flocked to the Indian subcontinent in
search of enlightenment, cheap dope and, like the Californian who
turned her sadhana into a course on "inner environments," opportunity.
As reckoned by the Hindus and Gore Vidal, this dark, chaotic age of
Kali seethes with confusions, corruption and misapprehension. Karma,
for example, a rather severe concept of determinism, has been turned
into a metaphysical jelly bean by hippies, shopping-center swamis and
jet-lagged gurus. "Karma," writes Mehta, "is now felt as a sort of
vibration and Krishna is a doe-eyed pinup."
Mehta, 36, is an Indian-born, Cambridge-educated former teacher of
Greek tragedy. She has clarifying things to say about those who think
that life is a bed of roses and those who believe it is a bed of
nails: "For us [Hindus], eternal life is death—not in the bosom of
Jesus—but just death, no more being born again to endure life again to
die again. Yet people come in ever-increasing numbers to India to be
born again with the conviction that in their rebirth they will relearn
to live. At the heart of all our celebrations, which are still lively
and colorful, is the realization that we are at a wake. But the
tourists we draw because of that color and that liveliness appear to
think that they are at a christening."
The East not only accommodates Western delusions but also compliments
them with imitation. There are the lyrics of a popular Indian song
inspired by a movie that found God in a hash pipe: "Take a drag. Take
a drag. I'm wiped out./ Say it in the morning. Say it in the evening./
Hare Krishna Hare Rama Hare Krishna Hare Rama." There are also Western
notions on better transcendence through chemistry. Mehta notes that
young foreigners frequently sell their passports to buy drugs; the
documents are reported stolen and easily replaced at local embassies.
She also reports that villagers who refused to take smallpox
vaccinations 15 years ago are now "dropping uppers and downers with
the best of them," and "Benares looks set on replacing Bangkok as
Needle City, Asia."
Opium as the opiate of the people is not a new story; blending
religion, drugs and pop culture in an ancient culture is. When Allen
Ginsberg made his pilgrimage to India in 1962, his influence was
limited to the handful of people who read his poetry. When the Beatles
headed east in 1966-68, they affected tens of millions with their
celebrity and music. They also laid the foundations of the
international guru business. Mehta has an impish eye for the spirit
trade; a multinational convocation of celibates meets in Delhi under
the motto ROYALTY is PURITY PLUS PERSONALITY; downtown, hundreds of
Children of God are demonstrating for the principle of making love for
Jesus. A California touch therapist attends a session in an ashram
only to discover that his Indian counterparts use 2-ft.-long clubs.
The visitor emerges with a broken arm. At a Delhi football stadium the
followers of one guru await the miraculous proof of God from their
master. His evidence: "God exists because if you look in the Oxford
English Dictionary under the letter G, you will eventually find the
word God." The prize for Hindu chutzpah, however, goes to the master
who asked an ambassador's wife about the pain in her leg. "It has
never given any pain," replied the woman. The unflustered guru's
response: "Leg will be better now."
Not all Mehta's observations are that amusing. A French couple arrive
at their consulate with their dead baby. They demand and get money for
the infant's funeral but then leave the body at a crematorium with a
note that reads, "A Present for the French Consul." Hippies lie stoned
and malnourished on the beaches of Goa: a young European woman sits
for days in a stupor with her fatherless child hanging onto a withered
breast; a cult of ritual murderers, known as the Anand Marg, stalks
the streets for victims; an American would-be rabbi buys a six-year-
old waif from her father and is shocked when she attempts to
demonstrate her gratitude with sexual favors.
In only 201 pages, Mehta embraces an enormous variety of life and
death. Her style is light without being flip; her skepticism never
descends to cynicism. Given her subject this is a miracle of rational
ism and taste.
−R.Z. Sheppard
Excerpt
"At one morning session at the World Conference on the Future of
Mankind, the English-speaking delegates in Committee Room B were
discussing 'Science and Spiritual Wisdom.' After the third speaker, a
meteorologist, had delivered his speech, an earnest American student
stood up and asked,
'Sir? Isn't science leading us deeper and deeper into the possibility
of total self-annihilation?' The meteorologist hunched closer to the
microphone . . .
'Let us say there is a nuclear holocaust. What will it do? I shall
tell you what it will do. It will cleanse the world!
'Don't you understand? We are going toward a postnuclear, post-
Armageddon Golden Age!'
The American student nodded sagely and sat down, grasping the moral
significance of nuclear war for the first time."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,947140,00.html
Finding God on YouTube
Faith leaders of all flavors have discovered the video pulpit
Watch Video:
Dattatreya Siva Baba was first introduced to mainstream America years
ago when self-help writer Wayne Dyer dedicated a book to the Indian-
born guru. But Baba has since discovered a cultural mover even more
powerful than Dyer. Baba reports that some 3 million people have
viewed his clips since he began putting short versions of his
teachings up on YouTube 15 months ago. Whether expounding on the laws
of cause and effect, or the god Ganesha's birthday, the snowy-bearded
Baba sits in the same leopard-skin print chair; only his headgear
changes color. The clips usually pull in 6,000 viewers the day he
posts them. But "Guided Grace Light Meditation," which was posted in
July when he announced that astronomical phenomena indicated that the
world is due for a golden age, has been viewed on YouTube more than
300,000 times. "I think 300,000 people having that meditation every
day has a great impact on world consciousness," he says, adding, "I
have always wanted to reach the world inclusively so that people don't
have to pay to listen to me and I don't have to pay a lot of money."
Amen.
http://www.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1847259_1847281_1847277,00.html
Religion: Junior Guru
Monday, Nov. 27, 1972
He is called Balyogeshwar Param Hans Satgurudev Shri Sant Ji Maharaj—
hardly a name likely to become a household word. A little over a year
ago only a handful of people outside India knew who he was. But last
fortnight, when Guru Maharaj Ji (as he is short-titled) flew from the
U.S. to New Delhi to celebrate a three-day festival in honor of his
late guru father, he was accompanied by seven jumbo jets filled with
new followers from the West. They were only a fraction of the number
he had left behind.
No venerable ascetic in flowing white beard and robes, the latest star
from the East to hit the guru circuit is a plump, cherubic 14-year-
old, lightly mustachioed with peach fuzz, his neatly trimmed black
hair slicked back. He dines on vegetables—liberally supplemented by
mounds of Baskin-Robbins ice cream. He does not practice yoga or
formal meditation (having surpassed, he says, the need for it), but he
has a passion for squirt guns and triple Creature Features horror
movies.
The Maharaj Ji's mother and three older brothers literally worship
him, kissing his "lotus feet" whenever they are in his presence. To
them as to his other followers, he is the "Perfect Master" and "Lord
of the Universe." By their testimony, the Maharaj Ji began, while
still a toddler, to deliver inspired satsangs (sermons)—and to amaze
the devotees of his father (then the Perfect Master) by awakening them
in the morning with the exhortation, "Get up, get up. Do meditation!
If you don't, I will beat you with a stick!"
Silver Steed. When his father died, the Maharaj Ji was eight. "I
didn't want to be the guru," he says. "I would have been satisfied to
be a mischievous little boy. But a voice came to me saying, 'You are
he; you are to continue.' " At the funeral, therefore, he confronted
his father's mourning flock: "Why are you weeping? The Perfect Master
never dies. Maharaj Ji is here, amongst you."
Four years later, in 1970, Guru Maharaj Ji inaugurated his
international mission with a triumphal ride through Delhi in a golden
chariot, trailed by miles of elephants, camels and devotees. In 1971
the master's American premies (loved ones) heralded his advent in the
U.S. with a press release stating: "He is coming in the clouds with
great power and glory, and his silver steed will drift down at 4 p.m.
at Los Angeles international airport, TWA Flight 761." That was enough
to attract a coterie of guru buffs and various other seekers. In
little over a year their number has swelled to some 30,000 youthful
followers who man "Divine Light" centers in 45 states.
The teen-age master suggests a stringent life-style for his devotees,
devoid of drugs, sex, tobacco and alcohol. In exchange he offers the
gift of knowledge designed to open the initiate's "third eye" of inner
awareness and thus bring him perpetual peace. Knowledge sessions
sometimes last twelve hours or more and are conducted by 2,000
delegated mahatmas throughout the world. "If you can become perfect,"
the Maharaj Ji told his disciples in Delhi's Ram Lila Grounds last
week, "you can see God. That's the way I did it."
A Great Kid. The premies adore their chubby guru, despite his
frustrating habit of showing up hours late for rallies or sometimes
not at all. "People who stick to their schedules become like a rock,"
he explains. As a mark of their devotion, his premies wear their hair
short and shave their beards. Makeshift barber chairs were set up in
Air India's lounge at Kennedy Airport in New York to shear some
lingering longhairs before the Divine Light pilgrims took off for the
Delhi festival. The grateful faithful have also laden their lord with
gifts, including a Rolls-Royce, a Mercedes and two private planes.
When he and his devotees landed in New Delhi, customs officials
thought they had caught the Perfect Master with an embarrassment of
riches—a suitcase containing diamonds and other jewels plus $65,000
worth of undeclared foreign currency. The guru's retainers claimed
that the money amounted to only $12,000 and represented excess funds
from their Divine Bank for travel expenses. The jewels, they said,
were the "gifts of devotees from many nations" to the Lord of the
Universe. Indian officials were unconvinced, and launched an
investigation.
The amiable young master remained unperturbed at the airport as he
smilingly greeted his followers from a marigold-decorated throne set
up on the back of a Jeep. "The amazing thing about him," said his
private secretary, Gary Girard of Los Angeles, "is that he can
meditate 24 hours a day no matter what is happening."
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,944540,00.html
INDIA-PAKISTAN: The Trial of Kali
Monday, Oct. 27, 1947
On a bed of stretched thongs in an open courtyard in Lahore, half
naked, her head "wrung steeply back, her legs rigid in a convulsion as
of birth, a woman lay dead.
Under the law of the English, whose writ ran for a third of mankind,
it was fixed that whenever a person, however humble, died of violence
or even unexpectedly, public inquiry was made into the causes of his
death. If guilt seemed to fall upon another, a trial was held and
punishment sought lest murder, undetected or held lightly, spread.
In India and Pakistan since mid-August at least 100,000 have died, not
of germs or hunger or what the law calls "acts of God," but of brutal
slaughter. Scarcely one died in fair combat or with the consolations
of military morale.
No human tribunal ever conceived could try that case, with its clouds
of witnesses, the surging contagion of its guilt. Yet the mind,
squinting at the horror now that the tide of blood had washed back,
naturally cast the evidence in the familiar and dreadful form of The
Trial. The world, with one war still red under its nails and another
beating in its belly, knew, more or less subconsciously, that it would
have to build a prisoner's dock bigger than the subcontinent of India,
that the crime was not contained by geography, and that the less the
crime was understood the more it would infect the whole of humanity.
Before the Fact. The accused had many aliases; Satan and Evil were
two. In India, however, the accused was feared and terribly
propitiated by millions as Kali, goddess of death and catastrophe,
wife-conqueror of the eternal Siva, the dancer. Not in Kali's name
were the 100,000 killed. The Moslems despised her as a wretched idol.
The Sikhs* ignored her. Even most Hindus no longer participated in the
rites of Kali's priests, who dismembered goats (in lieu of human
victims), spraying the blood upon worshipers crowded in fields of
which Kali was mother, fructifier and scourge. Nevertheless Kali, the
Black One, could stand as symbol (or perhaps as scapegoat) for the
horror that had walked hand in hand with bright liberty into India.
Kali has been in India at least 50 centuries, long before Hinduism,
which gradually assimilated her. A few years after the Prophet Mohamed
sent Islam forth to conquer the world, Moslems appeared in India.
After the 11th Century they were masters, sometimes in fact but more
often in name, of the subcontinent. Some Moslems in India today
descend from the conquerors; more are the children of Islam's vigorous
proselytizing, and none the less fanatical for that.
Six centuries of Hindu political inferiority began to be reversed when
the great Sivaji in the mid-17th Century led his Marathas against the
Moslems. Thus, by the time the British reached India, both Hindu and
Moslem were deeply immersed in hate, deeply conscious of dispossession
before the British dispossessed both. Through all the changes, Kali,
both as mother and as evil, persevered, so that when freedom came
there were more Indians than ever to hate each other more intensively
than ever.
Corpus Delicti. If there had indeed been a Prosecutor to try the
enormous case of this murdered woman and the 100,000 other Indians, he
might have opened with a point of wide application.
An ancient Hindu holy book, the Vishnu Purana, he could recall, says
that the life of man will run in four cycles. The last is to be the
Age of Kali. It closes in, says the book, when "society reaches a
stage where property confers rank, wealth, becomes the only source of
virtue, passion, the sole bond of union between husband and wife,
falsehood the source of success in life, sex the only means of
enjoyment, and when outer trappings are confused with inner
religion."
Then the Prosecutor could turn to India: "Everywhere the armed and the
many devoured the helpless and the few. In Calcutta, in Lahore, in
Amritsar, in Old Delhi and New Delhi and throughout the magnificent
plain of the dismembered Punjab, in homes and shops and factories and
farms and villages and in the religious sanctuaries of all faiths,
amid the clotting of the terrified in depots and on guarded trains and
on lonely station platforms and in the vast shelterless encampments of
refugees and their hypnotized columns across the land, the devastation
raged alike among Hindus and Moslems and Sikhs.
"In the first six weeks of Independence, about half as many Indians
were killed as Americans died during nearly four years of the second
World War. There is still no possible numbering of the wounded and the
mutilated who survived, or of those who must yet die for lack of the
simplest medical facilities, or of so much as a roof over their heads.
It is unbearable, and unwise as well, to cherish memory of the bestial
atrocities which have been perpetrated by Moslem and Sikh and Hindu
alike. It is beyond human competence to conceive, far less to endure
the thought of, the massiveness of the mania of rage, the munificence
of the anguish, the fecundity of hate breeding hate, perhaps for
generations to come."
The Eyewitness. On this point, the witness Niranjan Singh, a Sikh,
testified. Singh, a few weeks ago a prosperous merchant in the
Montgomery district of the Punjab, now moves about New Delhi on
crutches. He said:
"I shall never rest until revenge is taken upon the Moslems for all
the wicked atrocities they have perpetrated upon innocent people.
Moslems killed my old father, abducted my young daughter, slew my son
and maimed my foot. No mercy whatsoever should be shown to them. I've
always treated my Moslem laborers with kindness but the dirty swine
have repaid me with brutality.
"I smelled trouble in my village when Moslems began gathering at the
mosque every day for long conferences. One morning Moslems from all
neighboring areas gathered around our village and attacked it. But
although we were outnumbered, we held them for eight hours. We had
only our kirpans [swords] and a few old rifles. They had modern
weapons. When finally they broke through, there was not one among us
who had not sustained some injury or other. The brutes killed my 90-
year-old father and when my young son rushed to his defense, they
speared him to death. I had been injured on my forehead and gushing
blood had made me partly blind. A young, cowardly Moslem attacked me
from behind with a hatchet, injuring my foot. Before I fell and
fainted, I saw some Moslems carrying away my 16-year-old daughter, who
put up stiff resistance.
"I was left among the dead for two days, dying of thirst, when at last
a Hindu battalion of the Indian Army visited our village and rescued
me. I insist revenge be taken on these traitors and brutes. We ought
to declare war on Pakistan."
The Madness. The Prosecutor said:
"The stone of murder spread like a huge wave. This outrage in
retaliation for that one and that in retaliation for still another,
and a new one in retaliation for the latest before it, and still a
newer in retaliation for that, another set aflame by the stories of
refugees and another still by pure rumor, and another in retaliation
for that and still another by rumor. The genius of India has ever been
for myth, not rationality: and no man's reason may be expected to
remain intact under the intricate chemistries of horror, heartbreak,
revenge, the vertiginous contagion of mobs, a thousand years'
collective, unconscious fertilization in allegiance to one faith and
culture.
"Mere rumor, which runs at its wildest under such circumstances, is
enough to dethrone reason; great terror, in a brave man or a cringer,
can turn loose adrenal energies which must exhaust themselves in
outrage and spoliation. It would be untrue to describe as a form of
religious madness, even in religious India, a madness which operates
also with equal fury among godless men. But where deep religiousness
is present it is inevitably used, inevitably adds its own peculiar
intensity."
The Bereaved. India's Premier Jawaharlal Nehru testified: "India has
disgraced herself in the eyes of the world."
The Prosecutor commented:
"The thousand million of Asia, lifting up their hands for freedom, had
looked to India for leadership. Now, East and West, hope is undermined
and confidence destroyed. India's killings, not instigated by any
alien force, are more morally burdensome upon Asia's cause than is
China's war."
Mahatma Gandhi's confidante, ex-secretary and the present Indian
Health Minister, Rajkumari Amrit Kaur, testified: "Gandhiji is very
sad today. He has told me repeatedly that he is experiencing the pain
and anguish of a thousand daggers pierced in his body."
During the killing, Gandhi had warned that there was danger of open
war between India and Pakistan.
But the Prosecutor said:
"The world thought war was the ultimate horror, and civil war the
worst of wars. It is not. India is what Macaulay called it, a
'decomposed society.' Even the British could not establish law; they
merely kept order. A decomposed society cannot make war, which
requires law, authority, organization. India and Pakistan may progress
to the point where they can make war or even to the point where, being
able to make war, they will decide to live in amity. But in the six
weeks of the killing India and Pakistan were beneath war."
The Killers. The Court (which is composed of all men who want, for
their own self-preservation, to understand violence) needed
clarification of this point. One way of putting the court's question
was this:
"It has long been held that mass killing is the work of states, not of
peoples. War, some say, is caused by professional militarism, the
existence of large arsenals and the itch of governments to exercise
their most spectacular function. Similarly, the killing of 6,000,000
Jews in Europe was the work of a state, mad with its organized power.
Are you suggesting that the Indian killing sprang out of the people
themselves, out of the evil which you call Kali?"
The Prosecutor's answer: "Although leaders of the two states are, in
different degrees, responsible for agitating or at least for
misunderstanding the communal hatred, the appalling fact is that most
of the killing was unorganized and spontaneous. In this case, a rare
and significant one, the state power was not guilty. As for armaments,
the massacres in India and Pakistan were as far removed as possible
from modern war or from the gas chambers of Maidanek. The murderers
with whom we are dealing used knives, chisels, ropes, hockey sticks,
screwdrivers, bricks and slender fingers."
The Half Innocent. At least half innocent of the killing are the
leaders who had demanded liberty or death for India and got, by Kali's
black grace, both.
"When tragedy runs amok blame is universal, inextricable and
irrelevant. That the horror was deeper than the ideals or ambitions of
the leaders was ironically demonstrated when they tried to stop it.
Mohamed Ali Jinnah urged restraint, but the killing did not cease.
Gandhi fasted in Calcutta with ultimate local effect, but elsewhere
the killing did not cease. When he visited their sanctuary, 30,000
groaning Moslems virtually adored him, but the killing did not cease.
Nehru personally rescued two Moslem girls from a gang of Sikhs, but
the killing did not cease. A conference between Nehru and Pakistan's
Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan ended in complete accord and the Joint
Defense Council ordered troops to fire on all rioters and looters, but
the killing did not cease. The newly communalized police force proved
ineffectual and sometimes took part in the riots, and the killing did
not cease. The newly communalized armies, now that the British troops
were inactivated, were like bodies from which the bones had been
drawn.
"At length, by no outward control or rational cause, but only because
destruction itself sickens, the violence quieted, for the time being,
at least."
Mohamed Ali Jinnah, Governor General of Pakistan, did not testify.
Seeing few, taking advice from none, he sulked in Karachi, the raddled
capital of his already half-ruined country. Of him, the Prosecutor
said:
"Jinnah is far too easy a villain: conceivably an obsessed child of
Mohamed conceivably a man seized in his declining years by that most
dangerous form of satyriasis which longs for naked power alone, Jinnah
has beyond question done more than any other man in India to
exacerbate the sores of communalism and to tease and torment their
rawness; and this purely to secure his nation, and a torn body for
India.
"Even so, he is much too shallowly accountable, and there are
extenuating circumstances. He is only a portion of Islam, and today
all Islam stirs. In India, moreover, his people are a minority,
largely an impoverished minority, and could by no means fully trust in
the majority's will; Congress Party leaders consistently ignored his
Moslem League in favor of Moslems he regarded as Congress puppets;
Nehru himself, Gandhi himself, must be held as sorely responsible for
underestimating the force that Jinnah tapped, just as Western leaders
for so long underestimated the evil wellspring that Hitler opened
up."
The Orphans. A witness who had seen the Punjab border between Pakistan
and India testified:
"At Wagah, a little town on the grand trunk highway between Amritsar
and Lahore on the Pakistan side of the border, armed Baluchi troops,
all certified Moslems from the frontier territory of Baluchistan,
called a loud halt to travelers trying to go through the border. A
mile down the road, at Atari, armed Dogras, who are a Punjabi Hindu
tribe, searched and checked all Pakistan-bound vehicles. The mile
between the two posts was no man's land. On the Pakistan side, just
behind an improvised guardhouse, a bulldozer was digging graves for
Moslem bodies which arrived from the India side of the frontier."
Another witness had been to the map room in New Delhi where the riots
had been spotted in the neatest Pentagon tradition, and where now,
still more incongruously, the tidy pins show columns of humanity
passing in opposite directions to escape their tormentors. Each column
has its thousands of unspeakable histories, yet on the map each exodus
is a mere number.
The Prosecutor summed up the evidence behind the maps:
"Men, women and children and bullocks and groaning carts were plodding
eastward and westward beneath the autumn skies and nights of the
cloven Punjab; past unharvested fields, past empty villages and
eviscerated villages and villages which resemble rained-out brush
fires. Huge, forlorn concentrations of Sikhs and Hindus labored
forward to leave the West Punjab forever. On one day last week,
columns No. 8 and 9 moved across the famous Balloki headworks between
Amritsar and Lahore and passed into the Indian Dominion; not far
behind, foot columns No. 10, 11 and 12 lumbered steadfastly eastward.
Carefully feeling its way around Amritsar, a foot convoy of perhaps
100,000 Moslems made towards Lahore and Jinnah's Promised Land, at a
rate of ten miles a day.
"One madly ironic note was furnished by a group of Jainist monks who
alighted from an airplane at New Delhi, their mouths and nostrils
scrupulously masked. Fleeing for their own lives, they had not
neglected a strange precaution of their sect. The Jains believe that
the air is a living thing and that they protect the air from injury by
filtering it through the masks as they breathe.
"At one village, on foot, a wretched gaggle of perhaps 100 refugees
arrived. One of them, a woman, was stripped of everything save a
clutched newspaper. Her companions were so stupefied by woe that it
had occurred to none of them to share their clothing with her.
"From Dasuya in Hoshiarpur district came a mass of 114,000 Moslems,
which branched into lesser columns and slowly diminished in the
direction of Bahawalpur State.
"The refugee movement each way is now at a rate of about 150,000 each
week; last week it was speeded up, for both Governments hope to finish
it off by mid-November. From the East Punjab into Pakistan, 2,550,000
Moslems have crossed, leaving 2,400,000 still to be evacuated;
2,275,000 Sikhs and Hindus have crossed from the West Punjab and the
North-West Frontier Province into their Dominion, leaving 1,800,000,
chiefly in isolated pockets, still to come. It is one of the great
exchanges of population in recorded history."
The Despoiled. An American witness testified:
"It is almost impossible to have a watch repaired in New Delhi now;
the watch craftsmen were Moslems. So were the tailors and the barbers,
the butchers, and the cooks, the waiters and bearers, the rug dealers,
and the drivers of tongas and taxicabs.
"In Lyallpur, Moslem shopkeepers refuse to sell durable goods, because
the increasing scarcity is sure to force the price up; moreover, even
if the shopkeeper did sell, he would have no place to bank the money
(for Hindus and Sikhs were the bankers) and no wholesaler from whom to
buy more goods (for Hindus and Sikhs were the wholesalers). In Lahore,
on the other hand, there is a corrupt buyers' paradise in looted
goods. A refrigerator goes for 100 rupees ($30), a radio for 30.
Parker "51" fountain pens, which used to sell for 60 rupees, now go
for 5. "There is no economic exchange between Pakistan and India.
India may survive this schism; Pakistan cannot. Almost its whole
middle class, which was Hindu, has fled. The literacy rate, never
higher than 9%, is now less than half that. Pakistan's Government is
not able to support more refugees. It is trying to shut off the flood.
Moslems who hear that Pakistan will not let them enter are embittered
and terrified."
The Threatened. Another witness had talked to rich Hindus who last
week had begun fleeing into Calcutta from Eastern Pakistan. These
Hindus, he said, reported increased activity of the Moslem League
National Guard organizations. If terrorism breaks out in northeast
India, where 13,000,000 Hindus live, the carnage might be unimaginably
greater than in the Punjab.
And had the Punjab killing ended, or was it merely suspended? Two
weeks ago Master Tara Singh, leader of the Sikhs, estimated that the
killing would last three more months and that 500,000 Hindus and Sikhs
and as many Moslems would die of murder, epidemic and starvation. In
another statement, Tara Singh gave this grisly forecast an algebraic
twist. He pointed out that fleeing Sikhs (who are richer) had left six
million acres of land, while an equal number of fleeing Moslems had
left only two million acres. His proposal: drive enough Moslems from
their farms to balance the property exchange.
The Motive. At this point the Attorney for the Defense addressed the
court:
"Do not forget that for centuries Moslem and Hindu and Sikh lived side
by side, if not in harmony, at least in uneasy tolerance. It is true
that over the centuries, from time to time, they killed and rioted and
even fought great wars, but not more often or more fiercely than
peoples elsewhere. This in spite of India's abysmal poverty which
turns men against one another, in spite of the enraging climate,
either osmotic dust or illimitable ooze.
"If this society, stable enough to breed 400 million men, is
decomposed, then forces outside the peoples of India, not within them,
must be to blame."
The Prosecutor answered: "Hindu and Sikh and Moslem tolerated each
other, insofar as they did so, not through love or virtue but because
each community was aware that its rival did not possess the power to
coerce it into a hated way of living. Neither the Rajputs, nor the
Moguls, nor the British ever established in India a state whose police
reached out to the ordering of people's daily lives. Now, with
independence, with the possibility of modern states, each community
saw behind the other the shadow of the policeman and the propagandist.
The Indian communities rushed into violence not to seize power, but
out of the fear of the power that was about to fall into the hands of
others. And this is a primal fear, deeper than rivalries between such
nations as have already known and submitted to police power wielded in
their own names."
The Guilt of Innocence. The Defense Attorney tried again. He recalled
how the subcontinent had been brought to freedom by good men,
nonviolent men, men above superstition and narrow sectarian hatred.
How could such evil come from a victory won by moral force alone?
And how equally admirable, he said, was it that Britain, another great
and ancient nation, even grander and far more benign in her twilight
than Imperial Rome before her, had at length bowed before that moral
force in a moral beauty as unprecedented and still more graceful. The
Defense Attorney recalled the midnight ceremonies of India's
manumission in New Delhi two months ago as extraordinarily touching,
the action itself as one of history's rare moments of good will and
good hope.
The Prosecutor did not deny the point. But, said he:
"Gandhi and Nehru and their like, innocently intent upon their lofty
goal, ascribed communal strife to British machination, so blinding
themselves that, in all good faith, they assumed that once liberty was
achieved, communal violence would immediately cease, and brotherhood
and British guilt prove themselves thenceforth.
"Thus, not in spite of innocence but because of it, blood appeared;
and not the jubilant blood of birth alone, but blood more especially
pleasing to Kali, who is both mother and demolisher. India tore
herself in two in the womb as a condition to being born at all. Even
in the womb, the two unborn nations tore at each other, and from the
instant they were born they fell upon each other in maniacal fury."
Thrones & Altars. The fury, now apparently spent, might be renewed to
pour in fresh evidence against Kali. Of the 562 princely states,
danger lay in three which stood apart from both India and Pakistan.
One was little Junagadh, whose dog-loving Moslem Nawab* has announced
for Pakistan against the wishes of most of his subjects, who are 80%
Hindu. One was Kashmir, most of whose people are Moslem, but opposed
to Jinnah's Moslem League. The third was fabulous Hyderabad, whose
Nizam had a good chance of maintaining his state's independence.
India's Deputy Prime Minister Vallabhbhai Patel is applying pressure
on all three states; of the Government's top ministers Patel is the
most outspokenly anti-Moslem, although he is more moderate than
extremist Hindu "Brownshirt" groups. Troops of both India and Pakistan
are actually near Junagadh's borders.
Or renewal of the fury might come from, an utterly unpolitical cause.
This week, in tense Calcutta and elsewhere in Bengal, worshipers of
the goddess Durga will celebrate her festival with clay images and
ceremonial parades. Durga is the good side of the same ambivalent
goddess of which Kali is the evil face.* In this same week Moslems
will celebrate Id-el-Atha, their version of the story of Abraham and
Isaac. Usually they sacrifice cows, but this week many, lest the
Hindus be offended, plan again to sacrifice sheep.† Even so, the two
coincident festivals might touch off killing in Bengal, which, along
with Bihar and the United Provinces, is considered the next great
danger spot.
The Sky & the Sea. Whether the killing remained suspended or was
mercifully at an end or was to be tragically revived, India was not to
be singled out for condemnation or contempt. No nation had ever come
into the world without bloodshed. In every process of hope, ambition,
confused value, self-deceit, India is merely the world in small, and
one more terrible warning to the conscience of the world. India's
gravest error, her deepest sin, is rampant in all the world and never
so madly so as in those portions of the world which call themselves
"modern": the incapacity of those who desire to lead people, whether
for power or in the highest of good will, to know, love, fear,
respect, or even to imagine, what human beings are.
Said the Prosecutor, in closing: "Yet, in spite of Kali the Destroyer
and because of Kali the Mother, India has been and is a great and
ancient land, a wellspring and tabernacle of some of the most inspired
conceptions of the divine will in man which man has ever dreamed of;
and more lately a fount of brotherhood and, among the nations, a
preacher of peace. If India could descend to the depths, it could also
look up to moral Himalayas. Its recent sin was great, but not unique,
especially not unique in origin. It sprang from Kali, from the dark
and universal fear which rests in the slime on the blind sea-bottom of
biology."
*A Hindu reformist sect founded by Guru Nanak, a contemporary of
Luther. *The Nawab Saheb of Junagadh once threw away 100,000 rupees on
the wedding of his prize Airedale bitch, which wore ribbons to the
ceremony; vows were read for her and her dog. *In 1802, after the
Peace of Amiens, a group of British residents of Calcutta presented
the temple of Kali with 5,000 rupees as a thank offering for victories
over Napoleon. A century later Kali became a symbol of anti-British
Indian nationalism, a place to which Mahatma Gandhi succeeded. That
this substitution was only temporary was indicated not only by the
killing but by Gandhi's recent loss of popularity among Hindus.
Because he preached communal peace, Hindu extremists last week had
begun to call him "the Mudathma," meaning "stupid one." †Until about a
century ago, the sheep was customary. The cow was a vindictive,
communal-minded substitution.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,854810,00.html
Religious Unrest in India
By Simon Robinson/New Delhi Friday, May. 18, 2007
While India's image makers may want the world to believe that business
is the country's new religion, for many here there are older faiths —
and faith-driven feuds — that matter more. At least five people were
killed Friday in the southern city of Hyderabad, when a bomb exploded
in a mosque crowded with worshipers attending Friday prayers. Police
say they found and defused two other bombs close by. So far, no one
has claimed responsibility for the attack.
The timing of the bombing may be linked to the sentencing Friday of
100 people convicted of playing a role in a series of deadly blasts in
Mumbai (formerly Bombay), in 1993. Those attacks, which killed 257
people, were carried out by the Muslim-dominated Mumbai underworld to
avenge earlier religious riots that had left 2,000 people dead. But
the authors and motive of Friday's mosque bombing could remain a
mystery. Months after last year's bomb attacks that killed more than
35 people near a mosque in the western state of Maharashtra, there are
still no suspects beyond vague police suggestions.
Elsewhere, across the north of the country, rival Sikh groups clashed
for the fourth straight day after the leader of one sect dressed, for
a newspaper advertisement, in a fashion similar to the much adored
17th century Sikh figure Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Sikh guru.
Enraged Sikhs from other sects attacked properties belonging to the
Dera Sacha Sauda, whose leader Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh had committed
the perceived religious insult. The clashes have killed two people and
injured at least 30, and the national government has sent in troops to
stop further unrest. "The sect chief has committed a grave offense by
trying to imitate Guru Gobind Singh," said Sikh writer Kharak Singh.
"He must issue an unconditional apology. A stubborn attitude will
precipitate matters."
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, who happened to be opening a conference
on interfaith harmony Friday, said that there is no place for
religious intolerance in India. "Any political formation trying to
incite people in the name of religion, whatever religion, is in fact
betraying both religion and our constitution," the Prime Minister
said. All nations, "big and small will have to come to terms with
their growing internal diversity. No modern and open society can be a
monolith."
So why the recurring religious unrest in India? Moderate Muslim
activist J.S. Bandukwala says that "to a great extent" India has
resolved the question of religious identity which had split the
country for decades. "But in such a huge population it's so easy for
someone to plant a bomb and cause chaos," he says. "I don't think
there's anything police can do to stop this sort of thing."
Bandukwala, a physics professor in Gujarat, a western state torn by
bloody communal riots in 2002, has long campaigned against religious
extremism and for moderation and debate. While he sees progress, in
part because of the rising middle class in India, Bandukwala says "on
religious issues people get very quickly built up in this part of the
world. If anybody wants to create a problem they just have to insult
an iconic figure or plant a bomb and you see the results." In some
ways, he says, "it's remarkable that India has evolved into a mature
democracy after just 60 years."
Not just a mature democracy but a vibrant, fast-growing economy. The
world has come to know a new India over the past few years, a place of
outsourcing and hi-tech start-ups, of software engineers and steel
barons. We expect such places to be shiny and secular and scientific,
focused on technological breakthroughs and making money. We don't
expect religious riots and communal clashes and bombings. In India,
full of paradoxes and wonderful, frustrating inconsistencies, you have
both: hi-tech business parks and age-old religious grudges; software
savvy alongside sectarian brutality. Resolving those contradictions
may well decide India's future.
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1622914,00.html
Religion: Yogi Bhajan's Synthetic Sikhism
Monday, Sep. 05, 1977
The leader of 3HO inspires devotion—and hostility
Nine years ago, he was an anonymous yoga teacher who owned little but
a suitcase full of beads. Today he earns over $100,000 a year in
lecture fees as Yogi Bhajan, the "Supreme Religious and Administrative
Authority of the Sikh Religion in the Western Hemisphere." Thousands
of American disciples in his Healthy-Happy-Holy Organization ("3HO")
revere the robust, bearded Bhajan as the holiest man of this era. With
equal fervor, opponents denounce him as a charlatan and a heretic.
The kind of Sikhism preached by Bhajan, 48, an Indian born in what is
now Pakistan, is far different from that practiced by 10 million
Indians. Sikhism, a blend of reformed Hinduism and Islam, is practical-
minded, allows democratic election of its priests, and abhors
personality cults. Bhajan's powerful personality is central to his
sect, and ambition has driven him far since his days as an unknown
customs officer at the Delhi airport.
In 1968 Bhajan emigrated to Toronto, later that year moved to Los
Angeles and eventually started his own ashram—spiritual commune—in a
garage. Although India's Sikhs are renowned as meat eaters, Bhajan has
insisted that his followers be strict vegetarians. While yoga is not
part of Sikhism, Bhajan teaches the practice, and not the mild form
widespread in the U.S. but Tantrism, a strenuous, mystical variety
practiced by men and women in pairs. Claiming to be the only living
master of Tantrism, Bhajan stresses Kundalini yoga, which supposedly
releases secret energy that travels up the spine. He reveals breathing
and massage techniques said to improve sexual performance. And he
preaches: "The man who ties a turban on his head must live up to the
purity of the whiteness and radiance of his soul."
Undeniably, Bhajan has struck some kind of chord. There are now 110
ashrams of various sizes in the U.S., Canada, and overseas. The yogi
claims to have won some 250,000 followers, but a more realistic
estimate would place the number of zealots at several thousand,
although many more flock to his meetings. Bhajan's base is a well-
groomed 40-acre ranch near Espanola, N. Mex., where his quarters are
said to feature a domed bedroom and a sunken bath. Neighbors are
nervous about 3HO's expensive land purchases in the area.
Less visible than the cymbal-clanging Hare Krishnas, the 3HO disciples
rival them in devotion. Men and women alike follow the Sikh traditions
of not cutting their hair and bearing symbolic daggers, combs and
bracelets. Ashram members rise at 3:30 a.m. to practice yoga and
meditate, sometimes while staring at a picture of Bhajan. They often
work twelve hours a day on low salaries and skimpy diets at 3HO small
businesses, such as landscaping companies, shoe stores, and quality
vegetarian restaurants. Full-fledged initiates follow Bhajan's every
dictum on diet, medical nostrums, child rearing, even orders to marry
total strangers. Guru Terath Singh Khalsa, who is his lawyer and
spokesman, says that Bhajan is "the equivalent of the Pope."
For most of the converts, the discipline of Bhajanism seems to have
rilled a deep spiritual vacuum. Many are in their mid-20s and come
from upper-middle-class homes. A number had been dependent upon LSD
and marijuana; the movement claims that all have broken the habit.
The adherents are flushed with the rosy beauty of new faith. "We got
involved in Sikhism so we could re-establish a direction in our lives
based on real principles," a young Jewish woman at a Los Angeles
ashram told TIME Correspondent James Wilde.
Chimed in an ex-Catholic who misses the Latin Mass: "The
demystification of the church turned me off." Even a Massachusetts
girl who has broken with the movement says wistfully, "At the ashram
we had the nucleus of a real family. It was one of the most beautiful
things I have ever experienced."
Bhajan has important backers in India. High Priest Guruchuran Singh
Tohra, president of the management committee for northern India's Sikh
temples, confirms that his council has given "full approval" to 3HO
and recognizes the yogi as a preacher. Tohra, however, says that this
does not mean Bhajan is the Sikh leader of the Western Hemisphere, as
he claims. The Sikhs do not create such offices. Nor, Tohra adds, has
the committee given Bhajan the rarely bestowed title, Siri Singh Sahib
(the equivalent of saying "Sir" three times), which he uses.
Bhajan has his critics—and they are severe. Many traditional Sikhs
insist that yoga has no place in their religion. Sikh Historian
Trilochan Singh says Bhajan's synthesis of Sikhism and Tantrism is "a
sacrilegious hodgepodge." Far more important, High Priest Jaswant
Singh, a leader of the Sikhs in eastern India and comparable in status
to Bhajan Backer Tohra, last week denounced Bhajan's claims. He and
his council professed to be "shocked" at Bhajan's "fantastic
theories." Yoga, Tantrism and the "sexual practices" taught by Bhajan,
the council declared, are "forbidden and immoral."
There are more delicate matters at issue, many raised by people who
knew Bhajan when. Judith Tyberg, respected founder of Los Angeles'
East-West Center, where Bhajan briefly gave courses, questions his
knowledge of Kundalini yoga. She fired him from her faculty after
three months for another reason —which she refuses to divulge.
Bhajan has repeatedly been accused of being a womanizer. Colleen
Hoskins, who worked seven months at his New Mexico residence, reports
that men are scarcely seen there. He is served, she says, by a coterie
of as many as 14 women, some of whom attend his baths, give him group
massages, and take turns spending the night in his room while his wife
sleeps elsewhere.
Colleen and her husband Philip, Bhajan's former chancellor, who quit
last year, say they could no longer countenance Bhajan's luxurious
life-style when so many of his followers had to scrimp along.
Filmmaker Don Conreaux, an early apostle, says that originally the
yogi was "against titles, against disciples. Now he teaches only
obedience to him." When Philip Hoskins quit last year, he says, Bhajan
told him he would suffer 84 million reincarnations and be "reborn as a
worm for betraying your teacher."
The current chancellor insists that Bhajan "lives in a moderate
manner," and asserts that reports of illicit affairs and of women in
the yogi's bedroom are "absolutely untrue." Yogi Bhajan himself was
unwilling to grant TIME an interview until he visits India this month
with a group of disciples for a Sikh festival. When he arrives there,
the "Supreme Authority" of the Sikh religion in the Western world may
have to answer a few questions from his fellow Sikhs about the kind of
religion he is preaching—and practicing.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,915413,00.html
Austrian Murder Sparks Protests in India
By Madhur Singh / New Delhi Tuesday, May. 26, 2009
Followers of Dalit leader Guru Ravi Das Sabha brandish swords, steel
rods and bamboo sticks during a protest in Amritsar, India, on May 25,
2009
Altaf Qadri / AP
Caste rivalries and a fight over offerings at a cash-rich Sikh temple
in Vienna echoed far and wide on Monday as sectarian violence once
again erupted in India's Sikh-majority state of Punjab. At least two
people have been killed and 14 injured since news reached Punjab
yesterday via text messages and mobile phones that a Sikh preacher of
a lower-caste sect, 57-year-old Sant Rama Nand, had been shot dead in
a clash in a temple in Austria. Thousands of lower-caste Sikhs took to
Punjab's streets armed with swords and batons, burning buses and
blocking trains. A curfew was imposed in five Punjab towns, and
military and paramilitary forces have been called into the state. The
situation remains tense today as the authorities try to arrange to
have the slain preacher's body flown directly to his village for
cremation.
Over the years, the quaint little gurdwara on the Rudolfsheim Street
on the outskirts of Vienna has become a hub of Sikh separatists who
supported an insurgency in Punjab during the 1980s and 1990s. The
insurgency was eventually stamped down by an iron-fisted state, and
many of its supporters sought and received political asylum in Europe.
As Austria's legal South Asian community has become more established,
thousands of illegal Sikh migrants from all over Europe have
gravitated there. "The gurdwara was lush with offerings from a
nostalgic and large-hearted diaspora," says Ramesh Vinayak, who heads
the Punjab edition of the national daily Hindustan Times, and who
visited the Vienna gurdwara in 2005. (See photos of India's Nehru
dynasty.)
Around the same time, the Ravidasias, a lower-caste community who are
not considered Sikhs though the groups share some similarities,
including worship in gurdwaras, swelled in numbers among Austria's
Indian diaspora. Disgruntled lower-caste youths from an increasingly
prosperous Punjab — where the landed castes have been reaping the
benefits of the Green Revolution since the 1950s and 1960s — were
making their way to Europe in droves. "What we see now is a result of
rising Dalit assertion," says Vinayak. "The lower castes set up their
own gurdwara, splitting the congregation and the [revenue from the]
offerings. The pro-Khalistanis (those supporting a separate Sikh
nation) at the older gurdwara felt threatened." Those tensions came to
a head this Sunday when management of the new gurdwara invited some
preachers of Dera Sach Khand, a Ravidasia sect, to address the
congregation. A violent clash ensued, in which Baba Rama Nand was shot
and 15 people were injured. Baba Rama Nand later died in hospital.
(Read "Five Challenges Facing India's Election Victors.")
When news of the killing began to trickle into Punjab, state
authorities went on alert. Although there is no specific history of
Ravidasia-Sikh violence in Punjab, violence has taken place between
followers of various sects across the state, mostly with support of
lower castes among both the Sikhs and non-Sikhs. By Monday afternoon,
large-scale rioting spread to six districts, leading Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh, himself a Sikh, to issue a televised appeal. "Invoking
the teachings of the Gurus, I appeal to all sections of people in
Punjab to maintain peace," he said. The situation has spun out of
control before. In May 2007, a prominent sect leader with significant
political links, Gurmeet Ram Raheem Singh of Dera Sacha Sauda, had
invited the ire of the Sikh masses when he addressed a congregation
dressed as the tenth Sikh Guru, Gobind Singh, which is against Sikh
tenets. Ram Raheem Singh's support base is primarily among the lower
castes. At least one person was killed and over a hundred injured in
the six days of violence that followed.
The events in Punjab — and thousands of miles away in Austria — point
to a broader problem: the dangerous mix of inequitable development and
enduring caste-based resentment. The northern state has a higher than
national average population of Scheduled Castes, an umbrella term for
various lower castes, with 28.95% in Punjab against India's average of
16%. "Dalit Sikhs and Ravidasias, especially in the fertile Doaba belt
which sends out a large number of immigrants, have seen immense
prosperity lately, and with it, a rising Dalit consciousness and
assertion," says Dr. Ronki Ram, reader in the Department of Political
Science at Panjab University in Chandigarh, who has recently authored
a paper on the topic. This assertion has found a voice in hundreds of
little sects that have sprung up all over the state, enmeshing socio-
economic struggle with religion in a lethal combination. It is ironic
that Sikhism, the dominant religion of the state, was born in the 15th
century with a promise of equality for all genders, classes and
castes, since a growing inequality among its followers is causing so
much unrest. "The social milieu is lacking equality," says Ram. "That
is the root of the problem."
(See photos of India's slumdog entrepreneurs.)
http://www.time.com/time/photogallery/0,29307,1877000,00.html
Watch "The Real Slum Of Slumdog."
http://www.time.com/time/video/player/0,32068,13419832001_0,00.html
http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1900882,00.html
Love Guru: Transcendent ... Not!
By Richard Corliss Thursday, Jun. 19, 2008
Mike Myers' signature shtick is the grin and shrug of a little boy
who's just said something naughty or possibly made fart bubbles in the
bathtub, and who relies on charm to get away with it. He used it on
Saturday Night Live as young Simon, of course, and as basement TV host
Wayne Campbell, and once or twice as Linda Richman. Austin Powers
occasionally flashed that someone-stop-me grin through his misshapen
English teeth. (Dieter the German performance artist and Shrek, not so
much.) The Cat in the Hat was nothing but irritating-ingratiating
impishness. And for the longest time — it's nearly two decades since
he joined SNL — when Myers smiled, audiences smiled back. They were
his co-conspirators in preadolescent aggression.
That may change this weekend with the debut of The Love Guru, Myers'
first time on screen since 2003. The headlines of early reviews are
the sort that give publicists migraines: "Sheer Self-Indulgence," "No
Enlightenment, Few Laughs," "Lame Self-Help Romp" and "Guru Is Doo-
Doo." About the only encouraging words so far are from Indian and
Indian-American journalists, who had been primed to hate the movie
from advance reports that its treatment of Hindu and Hindu-esque
teacher-preachers — especially of the best-selling, evangelistic,
Deepak Chopra variety — would be derisory. Those reviewers are saying,
basically, that The Love Guru is not as awful as they thought it would
be.
That's where I am, though not for religious reasons. Mostly I'm in
synch with the Myers character: Maurice Pitka, a goofy innocent who
loves potty humor but has a generous heart. He's not far from Adam
Sandler's Zohan, another sweet soul with a few personality defects. A
North American kid raised in India, Maurice at 13 came under the
tutelage of a cross-eyed swami (Ben Kingsley, giving the goose to his
Oscar-winning Gandhi). "I want to become a guru so people will like
me," young Maurice tells his master, "so I will love myself." I find
such self-knowledge, not to mention self-absorption, appealing in the
nakedness of its need.
Soon Maurice is an adult in L.A., a hit on the lecture circuit and the
author of such popular tomes as If You're Happy and You Think It,
Think Again and Stop Hitting Yourself. Stop Hitting Yourself. Why Are
You Still Hitting Yourself? Pitka is famous, but, he thinks, not
famous enough. Rather like the Sean Penn guitarist in Woody Allen's
Sweet and Lowdown, who realizes he's no Django Reinhardt, Pitka
rankles at being No. 2 to Chopra. His manager (John Oliver of The
Daily Show) convinces him that he can get on Oprah if he can just
restore the frayed marriage of Darren Roanoke (Romany Malko), a
Toronto Maple Leafs star whose wife is having an affair with banana-
schlonged goalie Jacques "Le Coq" Grande (Justin Timberlake). This
brings him in contact with Maple Leafs owner Jane Bullard (Jessica
Alba).
I acknowledge that the movie's stabs at wit are not so much sophomoric
as freshmanic. In his Indo-American accent, Pitka asks Darren, "What
is it you cahn't face?" (cahn't rhyming with hunt — your kids will
explain the joke to you). And even at 80 minutes or so, The Love Guru
is overly long and repetitious, unable to sustain its comic conceit.
You'll recognize this failing in movies with other graduates of SNL.
Trained at the Second City improv company, blossoming on late-night
TV, they created or inhabited recurring characters who had five
minutes to establish themselves. Even the most amusing of these
characters, if they were to be expanded, were suited more to half-hour
sitcoms than to feature films. But that's where the Blues Brothers,
the Coneheads, Stuart Smalley, Pat, Mary Katherine Gallagher and the
Roxbury guys went, not always justifying their films' running time.
Leaving SNL for movies means you can't go back, which deprives the
show of some brilliant sketch talent — Dan Aykroyd, Joe Piscopo,
Martin Short, Molly Shannon, Dinitra Vance, the irreplaceable Phil
Hartman — and consigns those actors to movies and TV shows that don't
show them off to their best advantage.
Wayne's World was one of the few SNL movie spin-offs that worked. It
set Myers on a mostly successful Hollywood career, whose strangest
entry, the indie 54 (in which he played Studio 54 co-owner Steve
Rubell), was also the most promising. But Myers didn't do any other
dramatic parts, maybe because so much money was thrown his way to keep
reprising Austin Powers and Shrek. And it's taken him longer and
longer to devise new characters. Pitka is his first in movies since
Austin Powers (and Dr. Evil) in 1997.
I like parts of The Love Guru because they sometimes take the form of
an Indian musical, with Myers' sitar strumming becoming the bass line
for the Dolly Parton song 9 to 5 and he and co-star Alba giving their
all to a Bollywood-style dance number. I approve of the opening
narration in the stately tones of Morgan Freeman, which turns out to
be Myers speaking into a "voice-over box" set on the "Morgan Freeman"
key. And I'm a big fan of Timberlake's farce skills; he shows here
that he has a future in movies, at least as the guy who can upstage
the star comic. (Other guest stars either show up fleetingly, like
Jessica Simpson, Kanye West, NHL star Rob Blake and Chopra himself, or
are used to ill effect, like Stephen Colbert as a hockey announcer.)
So, as much as I'd like to, I cahn't join the chorus of critical
contumely. The Love Guru is a shambling, hit-or-miss thing, like an
old Laurel and Hardy two-reeler. And like the situations those comics
often got into, this movie is a fine mess.
http://www.time.com/time/arts/article/0,8599,1816243,00.html
Lal Bahadur Shastri
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
Lal Bahadur Srivastava Shastri شاستری بڈھا
3rd Prime Minister of India
In office
9 June 1964 – 11 January 1966
President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan
Preceded by Gulzarilal Nanda
Succeeded by Gulzarilal Nanda
Born 2 October 1904(1904-10-02)
Mughalsarai, United Provinces, British India
Died 11 January 1966 (aged 61)
Tashkent, Uzbek SSR
Birth name Lal Bahadur Srivastava
Political party Indian National Congress
Spouse(s) Lalita Shastri nee Devi
Occupation Academic, Activist
Religion Hindu
Lal Bahadur Srivastava Shastri (Hindi: लालबहादुर शास्त्री شاستری
بڈھا , pronounced [laːl bəˈhaːdʊr ˈʃaːstriː]; 2 October 1904 - 11
January 1966) was the third Prime Minister of the Republic of India
and a significant figure in the Indian independence movement.
Early life
Lal Bahadur was born in Mughalsarai, United Provinces, British India
to Sharada Srivastava Prasad, a poor school teacher, who later became
a clerk in the Revenue Office at Allahabad[1] and Ramdulari Devi. When
he was three months old, he slipped out of his mother's arms into a
cowherder's basket at the ghats of the Ganges. The cowherder, who had
no children, took the child as a gift from God and took him home. Lal
Bahadur's parents lodged a complaint with the police, who traced the
child, and returned him to his parents[2].
His father died when he was only a year and a half old. His mother
took him and his two sisters to her father's house and settled down
there[3]. Lal Bahadur stayed at his grandfather Hazari Lal's house
till he was ten. Since there was no high school in their town, he was
sent to Varanasi where he stayed with his maternal uncle and joined
the Harischandra High School. While in Varanasi, Shastri once went
with his friends to see a fair on the other bank of the Ganges. On the
way back he had no money for the boat fare. Instead of borrowing from
his friends, he jumped into the river and swam to the other bank[4].
As a boy, Lal Bahadur loved reading books and was fond of Guru Nanak's
verses. He revered Bal Gangadhar Tilak, the Indian nationalist, social
reformer and freedom fighter. After hearing a speech of Mahatma Gandhi
at Varanasi in 1915, he dedicated his life to the service of the
country[5]. He also dropped his surname Shrivastav, as it indicated
his caste and he was against the caste system[1]. During the non-
cooperation movement of Mahatma Gandhi in 1921, he joined processions
in defiance of the prohibitory order. He was arrested but let off as
he was a minor[6]. He then enrolled at the nationalist Kashi
Vidyapeeth in Varanasi. During his four years there, he was greatly
influenced by the lectures of Dr. Bhagawandas on philosophy. Upon
completion of his course at Kashi Vidyapeeth in 1926, he was given the
title Shastri ("Scholar"). The title was a bachelor's degree awarded
by the Vidya Peeth, but it stuck as part of his name[3]. He also
enrolled himself as a life member of the Servants of the People
Society and began to work for the upliftment of the Harijans at
Muzaffarpur[7]. Later he became the President of the Society[8].
In 1927, Shastri married Lalita Devi of Mirzapur. In spite of the
prevailing hefty dowry tradition, Shastri accepted only a charkha and
a few yards of khadi as dowry. In 1930, he threw himself into the
freedom struggle during Mahatma Gandhi's Salt Satyagraha. He was
imprisoned for two and a half years[9]. Once, while he was in prison,
one of his daughters fell seriously ill. He was released for fifteen
days, on the condition that he not take part in the freedom movement.
However, his daughter died before he reached home. After performing
the funeral rites, he voluntarily returned to prison, even before the
expiration of the period[10]. A year later, he asked for permission to
go home for a week, as his son had contracted influenza. The
permission was given, but his son's illness was not cured in a week.
In spite of his family's pleadings, he kept his promise to the jail
officers and returned to the prison[10].
Later, he worked as the Organizing Secretary of the Parliamentary
Board of U.P. in 1937[11]. In 1940, he was sent to prison for one
year, for offering individual Satyagraha support to the freedom
movement[12]. On 8 August 1942, Mahatma Gandhi issued the Quit India
speech at Gowalia Tank in Mumbai, demanding that the British leave
India. Shastri, who had just then come out after a year in prison,
traveled to Allahabad. For a week, he sent instructions to the freedom
fighters from Jawaharlal Nehru's hometown, Anand Bhavan. A few days
later, he was arrested and imprisoned until 1946[12]. Shastri spent
almost nine years in jail in total[13]. During his stay in prison, he
spent time reading books and became familiar with the works of western
philosophers, revolutionaries and social reformers. He also translated
the autobiography of Marie Curie into Hindi language[9].
In government
Following India's independence, Shastri was appointed Parliamentary
Secretary in his home state, Uttar Pradesh. He became the Minister of
Police and Transport under Govind Ballabh Pant's Chief Ministership.
As the Transport Minister, he was the first to appoint women
conductors. As the minister in charge of the Police Department, he
ordered that Police use jets of water instead of lathis to disperse
unruly crowds[14].
In 1951, he was made the General Secretary of the All-India Congress
Committee, with Jawaharlal Nehru as the Prime Minister. He was
directly responsible for the selection of candidates and the direction
of publicity and electioneering activities. He played an important
role in the landslide successes of the Congress Party in the Indian
General Elections of 1952, 1957 and 1962.
In 1951, Nehru nominated him to the Rajya Sabha. He served as the
Minister of Railways and Transport in the Central Cabinet from 1951 to
1956. In 1956, he offered his resignation after a railway accident at
Mahbubnagar that led to 112 deaths. However, Nehru did not accept his
resignation[15]. Three months later, he resigned accepting moral and
constitutional responsibility for a railway accident at Ariyalur in
Tamil Nadu that resulted in 144 deaths. While speaking in the
Parliament on the incident, the then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru,
stated that he was accepting the resignation because it would set an
example in constitutional propriety and not because Shastri was in any
way responsible for the accident[3]. Shastri's unprecedented gesture
was greatly appreciated by the citizens.
In 1957, Shastri returned to the Cabinet following the General
Elections, first as the Minister for Transport and Communications, and
then as the Minister of Commerce and Industry[7]. In 1961, he became
Minister for Home[3]. As Union Home Minister he was instrumental in
appointing the Committee on Prevention of Corruption under the
Chairmanship of K. Santhanam[16].
Prime minister
Main article: Premiership of Lal Bahadur Shastri
Jawaharlal Nehru died in office on 27 May 1964 and left a void. The
then Congress Party President K. Kamaraj was instrumental in making
and installing Shastri as Prime Minister on 9 June. Shastri, though
mild-mannered and soft-spoken, was a Nehruvian socialist and thus held
appeal to those wishing to prevent the ascent of conservative right-
winger Morarji Desai.
In his first broadcast as Prime Minister, on 11 June 1964, Shastri
stated[17]:
“ There comes a time in the life of every nation when it stands at the
cross-roads of history and must choose which way to go. But for us
there need be no difficulty or hesitation, no looking to right or
left. Our way is straight and clear – the building up of a socialist
democracy at home with freedom and prosperity for all, and the
maintenance of world peace and friendship with all nations. ”
Shastri worked by his natural characteristics to obtain compromises
between opposing viewpoints, but in his short tenure he was
ineffectual in dealing with the economic crisis and food shortage in
the nation. However, he commanded a great deal of respect in the
Indian populace, and he used it to gain advantage in pushing the Green
Revolution in India; which directly led to India becoming a food-
surplus nation, although he did not live to see it. During the 22-day
war with Pakistan, Lal Bahadur Shastri created the slogan of "Jai
Jawan Jai Kisan" ("Hail the soldier, Hail the farmer"), underlining
the need to boost India's food production. Apart from emphasizing the
Green Revolution, he was instrumental in promoting the White
Revolution[16]. Greatly impressed by a visit to the Kaira district in
October 1964, he urged the rest of the country to learn from the
successful experiment at Anand. The National Dairy Development Board
was formed in 1965 during his tenure as Prime Minister.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Revolution_in_India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jai_Jawan_Jai_Kisan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Green_Revolution_in_India
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Flood
Though he was Socialist, Shastri stated that India cannot have a
regimented type of economy[16]. During his tenure as Prime Minister,
he visited Russia, Yugoslavia, England, Canada and Burma in 1965[7].
War with Pakistan
See Also: Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indo-Pakistani_War_of_1965
The problem for Shastri's administration was Pakistan. Laying claim to
half of the Kutch peninsula, Pakistan sent incursion forces in August
1965, which skirmished with Indian tank divisions. In his report to
the Lok Sabha on the confrontation in Kutch, Shastri stated[17]:
“ In the utilization of our limited resources, we have always given
primacy to plans and projects for economic development. It would,
therefore, be obvious for anyone who is prepared to look at things
objectively that India can have no possible interest in provoking
border incidents or in building up an atmosphere of strife... In these
circumstances, the duty of Government is quite clear and this duty
will be discharged fully and effectively... We would prefer to live in
poverty for as long as necessary but we shall not allow our freedom to
be subverted. ”
Under a scheme proposed by the British PM, Pakistan obtained 10%, in
place of their original claim of 50% of the territory. But Pakistan's
aggressive intentions were also focused on Kashmir. When armed
infiltrators from Pakistan began entering the State of Jammu and
Kashmir, Shastri made it clear to Pakistan that force would be met
with force[18]. Just in September 1965, major incursions of militants
and Pakistani soldiers began, hoping not only to break-down the
government but incite a sympathetic revolt. The revolt did not happen,
and India sent its forces across the Ceasefire Line (now Line of
Control) and threatened Pakistan by crossing the International Border
near Lahore as war broke out on a general scale. Massive tank battles
occurred in the Punjab, and while Pakistani forces made some gains,
Indian forces captured the key post at Haji Pir, in Kashmir, and
brought the Pakistani city of Lahore under artillery and mortar fire.
On 17 September 1965, while the Indo-Pak war was on, India received a
letter from China. In the letter, China alleged that the Indian army
had set up army equipment in Chinese territory, and India would face
China's wrath, unless the equipment was pulled down. In spite of the
threat of aggression from China, Shastri declared "China's allegation
is untrue. If China attacks India it is our firm resolve to fight for
our freedom. The might of China will not deter us from defending our
territorial integrity."[19]. The Chinese did not respond, but the Indo-
Pak war resulted in great personnel and material casualties for both
Pakistan and India.
The Indo-Pak war ended on 23 September 1965 with a United Nations-
mandated ceasefire. In a broadcast to the nation on the day the of
ceasefire, Shastri stated[17]:
“ While the conflict between the armed forces of the two countries has
come to an end, the more important thing for the United Nations and
all those who stand for peace is to bring to an end the deeper
conflict... How can this be brought about? In our view, the only
answer lies in peaceful coexistence. India has stood for the principle
of coexistence and championed it all over the world. Peaceful
coexistence is possible among nations no matter how deep the
differences between them, how far apart they are in their political
and economic systems, no matter how intense the issues that divide
them. ”
Death at Tashkent
Shastri statue in Mumbai
the name is seen in the plaque in Mumbai in Maharashtra, IndiaAfter
the declaration of ceasefire, Shastri and Pakistani President Muhammad
Ayub Khan attended a summit in Tashkent (former USSR, now in modern
Uzbekistan), organised by Kosygin. On 10 January 1966, Shastri and
Khan signed the Tashkent Declaration.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Muhammad_Ayub_Khan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tashkent
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/USSR
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uzbekistan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tashkent_Declaration
The next day Shastri, who had suffered two heart attacks earlier, died
supposedly of a heart attack at 1:32 AM.[7]. He was the only Indian
Prime Minister, and indeed probably one of the few heads of
government, to have died in office overseas.[20]
Mystery of Shastri's Death
Although officially it was maintained that Shastri died of heart
attack, his widow, Lalita Shastri kept alleging that her husband was
poisoned. Many believed that Shastri's body turning blue was an
evidence of his poisoning. Indeed a Russian butler attending to him
was arrested on suspicion of poisoning Shastri, but was later absolved
of charges.[21]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lalita_Shastri
In 2009, when Anuj Dhar, author of CIA's Eye on South Asia, asked the
Prime Minister's Office under an RTI plea (Right to Information Act),
that Shastri's cause of death be made public, the PMO refused to
oblige, citing that this could lead to harming of foreign relations,
cause disruption in the country and cause breach of parliamentary
privileges.[21]
The PMO did inform however that it had in its possession one document
related to Shastri's death, but refused to declassify it. The
government also admitted that no postmortem examination had been
conducted on him in USSR, but it did have a report of a medical
investigation conducted by Shastri's personal physician Dr. R.N. Chugh
and some Russian doctors. Furthermore, the PMO revealed that there was
no record of any destruction, or loss, of documents in the PMO having
a bearing on Shastri's death. As of July 2009, the home ministry is
yet to respond to queries whether India conducted a postmortem and if
the government had investigated allegations of foul play.[21]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anuj_Dhar
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/CIA%27s_Eye_on_South_Asia
Circumstances of Shastri's death do indeed make a case for close
inquiry. On the night of 11 January, Shastri was awakened by a severe
coughing fit. Dr. R.N. Chugh came to his aid. Shastri was unable to
speak and pointed to a flask kept nearby. A staffer brought some water
which Shastri sipped. Shortly afterward, Shastri became unconscious
and attempts to revive him proved futile.
A cold case forensic enquiry which keeps these facts in consideration,
could point to three causes - in order of probability.
Myocardial Infarction (ordinarily known as Heart Attack)
Café Coronary (impaction of food in windpipe - in this case, drops of
water)
Poisoning by some very quick acting poison, say cyanide although its
probability is minimal.
Memorial
All his lifetime, Shastri was known for honesty and humility. He was
the first person to be posthumously awarded the Bharat Ratna, and a
memorial "Vijay Ghat" was built for him in Delhi. Several educational
institutes, Shashtri National Academy of Administration (Mussorie) is
after his name these were some examples. The Shastri Indo-Canadian
Institute was named after Shastri due to his role in promoting
scholarly activity between India and Canada.[22]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharat_Ratna
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raj_Ghat_and_associated_memorials
In 2005, the Government of India created a chair in his honour in the
field of democracy and governance at Delhi University[23].
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi_University
Personal life
Lal Bahadur Shastri had five sons, including Anil Shastri and Sunil
Shastri, who are politicians.[24]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Anil_Shastri
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sunil_Shastri
References
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Fatherless Child".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page4.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Loving Grandfather".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page5.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c d "Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri - A Profile". Government Of
India.
http://pmindia.nic.in/pm_shastri.htm. Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Strong and Self-respecting".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page6.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Tilak and Gandhi".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page8.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Young Satyagrahi".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page9.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c d "Lal Bahadur Shastri (1904-1966)". Research Reference and
Training Division, Ministry Of Information And Broadcasting,
Government Of India.
http://rrtd.nic.in/lalbahadurshastri.htm. Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Servants of the People Society".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page9.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Freedom's Soldier".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page11.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Sense of Honor".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page12.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Prime Minister's address at the inauguration of centenary year
celebrations of late Shri Lal Bahadur Shastri". Prime Minister's
Office, Government Of India. 2005-10-02.
http://pmindia.nic.in/speech/content.asp?id=30. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ a b "Lal Bahadur Shastri: In Prison Again".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page13.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ LiveIndia.com − Lal Bahadur Shastri
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Responsibility of Freedom".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page15.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: I Am Responsible".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page17.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c "Prime Minister Inaugurates Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial: Text
Of Dr Manmohan Singh's Speech". Press Information Bureau, Government
Of India. 2005-05-07.
http://pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=9089. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ a b c "Lal Bahadur Shastri: The Might of Peace". Press Information
Bureau, Government Of India. 2006-09-29.
http://pib.nic.in/release/release.asp?relid=21051. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Force will be met with force".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page24.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: China Cannot Frighten Us".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page25.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ "Lal Bahadur Shastri: Shastriji is Immortal".
http://www.freeindia.org/biographies/greatleaders/shastri/page27.htm.
Retrieved 2007-03-13.
^ a b c Dhawan, H. "45 years on, Shastri's death a mystery - PMO
refuses to Entertain RTI Plea Seeking Declassification of Document".
The Times of India, New Delhi Edition, Saturday, 11 July 2009, page
11, columns 1-5 (top left)
^ "Mission of the Shastri Institute".
http://www.sici.org/about/.
^ "PM's speech at conclusion of Lal Bahadur Shastri Centenary
Celebrations". Prime Minister's Office, Government of India.
2005-10-04.
http://pmindia.nic.in/speech/content.asp?id=205. Retrieved
2007-03-13.
^ The Shastri saga
http://www.hinduonnet.com/thehindu/mp/2004/10/02/stories/2004100200930300.htm
Further reading
John Noyce. Lal Bahadur Shastri: an English-language bibliography.
Lulu.com, 2002.
Lal Bahadur Shastri, 'Reflections on Indian politics', Indian Journal
of Political Science, vol.23, 1962, pp1–7
L.P. Singh, Portrait of Lal Bahadur Shastri (Delhi: Ravi Dayal
Publishers, 1996) ISBN 81-7530-006-X
(Sir) C.P. Srivastava, Lal Bahadur Shastri: a life of truth in
politics (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995) ISBN
0-19-563499-3
(Sir) C.P. Srivastava, Corruption: India's enemy within (New Delhi:
Macmillan India, 2001) chapter 3 ISBN 0-333-93531-4
External links
Why has history forgotten this giant?
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/06spec1.htm
The politician who made no money
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/07spec1.htm
The Rediff Special/Kuldip Nayar
October 06, 2004
Part I: Why has history forgotten this giant?
Kuldip Nayar was Lal Bahadur Shastri's press advisor from 1960 to 1964
and travelled with him extensively. He provides an insight into the
former prime minister's life.
Shastri and the Congress
Shastri has been forgotten by the nation. He has been pushed into the
background. I have no doubt that there was a Congress conspiracy to
underplay Shastri after his death.
The Congress is the party that should have put him to the fore but I
remember visiting a Congress meeting where Shastri's portrait was not
even displayed with respect.
He simply didn't fit in. Mrs Gandhi was strongly against the Congress
old guard. When he died there was a strong resistance against his
cremation in the area where Gandhi and Nehru had been laid to rest.
Most Congressmen wanted his body taken to Allahabad. When Mrs Lalita
Shastri said she would go public only then did the Congressmen relent.
They even protested against inscribing the slogan -- Jai Jawan, Jai
Kisan on his samadhi. Then again, only when Mrs Shastri threatened to
go on a hunger strike was it was allowed.
After leaving the Press Information Bureau I became a reporter.
Wherever I went to meet Congress leaders, I was labelled as 'Shastri
ka aadmi' [Shastri's man].
Now, a committee has been set up by the Congress-led government to
celebrate his birth centenary but it seems like an afterthought. I
think after the death of Shastri, the Congress did not know where to
fit him. When Mrs Gandhi succeeded him, the Congress didn't know where
to put his legacy in the scheme of things then.
Shastri stands for austerity.
Shastri stands for simplicity and consensus.
Shastri represents an ideology that was right of Centre but not left
of Centre. After all, he is the man who said we need the five-year
plan but let us have a one year holiday from plan.
I remember vividly a small incident that brought out the stark
difference between the two (Shastri and Indira Gandhi) leaders.
During Shastri's tenure his home in Janpath was upgraded quite a bit
to suit the status of a PM.
After his death, while searching for a suitable home Mrs Gandhi went
to see Shastri's home. She entered the home, had a round inside and
said, "middle class!"
The making of Shastri
Shastri was selected by veteran Congress leaders K Kamaraj, Neelam
Sanjeeva Reddy and S Nijalingappa to lead the nation. Moments after
Nehru's death I asked him who should become PM, he said it should be
the unanimous decision of the Congress.
He gave two names in order. First, Jayaprakash Narayan and second,
Indira Gandhi. He told me he wanted a unanimous decision over the
selection. "But if there is a contest (which Morarji Desai
contemplated) then I can defeat Morarji Desai but not Indira Gandhi,"
he told me.
Probably he was right. However, the question didn't arise because
Kamaraj was asked to talk to members informally. Shastri was made PM
but Morarjibhai never accepted the decision.
After Shastri became PM he had to face the war with Pakistan. When the
Chamb border was attacked Shastri was asked to take a tough decision
whether to cross the international border. The army chief said it
would be difficult to hold on for long at Chamb. Shastri gave the
order saying -- before they can capture Chamb you should capture
Lahore.
After the war was over, I asked Indira Gandhi if Nehru would have
allowed the crossing of the international border. Mrs Gandhi said,
'Whatever the generals would have advised him he would have followed."
But I wonder.
A slight man made of steel
After the war, Shastri's name was all over. Before the war many people
laughed at him for his softness but not after the war. He came out as
a tough hero.
His toughness was evident at Tashkent. When Russian Prime Minister
Alexei Kosygin (left: Shastri with Kosygin and Indian's then external
affairs minister Swaran Singh) wanted Shastri to sign the agreement
for peace with General Ayub Khan of Pakistan after the 1965 war,
Shastri insisted on adding the assurance, "never again will weapons be
used to sort out problems between India and Pakistan."
Ayub was maintaining a vague stance by quoting UN resolutions. "Then
you will have to find another PM," said Shastri during the arguments.
In the final agreement General Ayub Khan had not mentioned those words
but Shastri continued to press for it.
Ayub finally wrote it at the very last moment. General Ayub's
handwritten assurance is still preserved in the Indian archives.
Shastri was a slight person but with a strong mind.
Also read: Kuldip Nayar on the Tashkent summit
Shastri can't be revived
If the Congress wants to celebrate Shastri, it will have to re-
emphasis the honesty of Shastri. He stood for the small men of India.
But the Congress has changed completely. Since Mrs Gandhi said that
corruption is a world phenomenon, Congressmen are not losing sleep
over it. Neither can I imagine Shastri imposing the Emergency.
All those Congressmen seen active during the Emergency are part of
this government. Ambika Soni is a confidante of Sonia Gandhi, Pranab
Mukherjee, Arjun Singh, Kamal Nath all were part of the establishment
then.
How can these leaders bring in the values of Shastri?
The Nehru-Gandhi dynasty culture has also played a role in minimising
Shastri's legacy. When Shastri was made a minister without portfolio
in the Nehru's Cabinet, he was uncomfortable. Once in a huff he told
me, "I shall quit and retire to Allahabad."
While cajoling him not to entertain an such idea I said, "Nehru has
you in his mind."
Shastri said, "Unke dimag main to unki putri hai. (He has his daughter
in his mind as successor.)"
As soon as Shastri died the dynasty culture returned to the Congress.
Shastri's message of life was that if he could become PM anybody could
because he was a common man. As the Bible says the meekest shall
inherit the earth, he proved it.
In 1942 (during the Quit India Movement), when he was in a jail, his
daughter was ill and he was released on parole. But he could not save
her life because doctors had recommended costly drugs.
Shastri never made money. In 1963, on the day when he was dropped
under the Kamaraj plan I went to meet him. He was sitting in his home
without a light.
"Why are you sitting in the dark?" I asked. He said, "From today all
expenses will be borne by me." He told me as a MP and minister he
didn't earn enough to save for his rainy day.
On that evening, I told him to turn a columnist to earn some money. So
he wrote a column on Lala Lajpat Rai. That was the first syndicated
column in India.
I syndicated it to four newspapers and collected Rs 500 from each.
Quite a hefty sum!
The second column was on Nehru but before he could write more he was
recalled to the Cabinet.
I don't see the revival of the values Shastri stood for. A day before
his first press conference after becoming PM I asked him what will be
your message tomorrow?
He said: "I'll tell them that during my tenure there will not be any
increase in food price and as PM of India I would ask members of the
Planning Commission to have one more column in their charts to show me
how many jobs will be created after spending thousands of crores of
rupees."
He was a man concerned about the common man of India. Can these values
return to this country?
I don't think so.
As told to Senior Editor Sheela Bhatt
Image: Uday Kuckian
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/07spec1.htm
The Rediff Special/Sheela Bhatt
October 05, 2004
Seven miles from Kashi in Uttar Pradesh is Mughalsarai. A hundred
years ago, Lal Bahadur, India's second prime minister, was born there
on October 2, 1904, the same day as India's greatest statesman
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, born 35 years before Shastriji.
Though his parents Sharada Prasad and Ramdulari Devi were Srivastavas,
Shastri dropped his caste identity in his early years. In 1921,
inspired by Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Gandhi, he cut short his studies
to join India's freedom movement.
Later he joined the Kashi Vidyapeeth and earned the epithet 'Shastri'
by obtaining a degree on philosophy.
He won the hearts of Indians when he showed exemplary courage in
taking quick decisions as prime minister June 1964 to January 1966)
during the India-Pakistan war in 1965. His leadership in war was an
answer to that most often asked question at that time: 'After Nehru,
who?'
But his untimely death on January 10, 1966 in Tashkent, in suspicious
circumstances, deprived him the chance for history to sit in
judgement.
In a haphazardly taken decision, the central government has formed a
committee to celebrate Shastri's life and work in the year of his
centenary.
In an ongoing series rediff.com salutes the 'gentle giant' who led
India through the critical years after succeeding Nehru.
Has the nation forgotten Shastri? Is Shastri, who epitomised honesty
and sincerity in public life, relevant today?
Anil Shastri, one of the late prime minister's six children and member
of the Congress party, recounts memories of his father in a
conversation with Senior Editor Sheela Bhatt.
On the Congress treatment of Shastri
I don't think India has forgotten Lal Bahadur Shastri. Whatever he did
is remembered even today. I must say since Sonia Gandhi has taken
charge Shastriji's portraits are displayed in all the annual sessions
of the party.
Many people have observed that there was a conspiracy to underplay
Shastri's legacy within the Congress. This serious charge is untrue
for the simple reason that due to his untimely death his contribution
to the nation was confined to those 18 to 19 months when he was PM.
Nehru ruled the country for 17 years, Indira Gandhi for 16 years and
Rajiv Gandhi for 5 years. Obviously the Nehru-Gandhi contribution is
unparalleled because nobody got this opportunity. And remember
Shastriji considered him as a protégé of Pandit Nehru. He was never
outside the sphere of the Nehru ideology which is the Congress
ideology.
Our nation is going to celebrate his birth centenary throughout the
year. The committee is formed under the chairmanship of Prime Minister
Manmohan Singh.
Even in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, celebrations have been organised on a
big scale. E Ahmed, minister of state for external affairs, was in
Tashkent to participate in the celebrations.
Shastriji who represented a certain value system is more relevant
today than before because a majority of us today have no value
systems. I feel difficult to contest elections. I feel a little out of
place but for my lineage I have survived in politics.
His father
I still miss him although I was just 16 years old when he died. If he
would have lived 10 more years he would have done much more for the
country.
He was down to earth. A real son of the soil. His grounding was from
the grassroots level. He was a practical man too. He strongly believed
the laws of the land should be changed because the British formed them
to rule over India.
He did make an attempt by constituting the administrative reforms
commission and made Morarji Desai its chairman. But after he died the
idea was shelved.
The most cherished memory I have is the verses of Guru Nanak, which
were displayed on his table. As Nehru kept Robert Frost's lines --
'Miles to go before I sleep', on his desk, my father kept Nanak's
quotes in Gurmukhi.
When translated into English they mean -- 'O Nanak! Be tiny like the
grass, for other plants will whither away, but grass will remain ever
green.'
When under the PL 480 programme, America was going to send inferior
quality of wheat to India, he opposed it. He asked the nation to go
hungry once a day than accept poor quality food from US.
Before making this announcement he asked my mother not to cook evening
meals. He himself followed what he recommended.
The 1965 war with Pakistan
He appeared very modest but was a man of steel. He had the ability to
take quick decisions. It was demonstrated on August 31, 1965. On that
day he came home for an early dinner. One of his secretaries told him
that the three chiefs of the defence services had come to see him. He
immediately left for his office next door at 10, Janpath.
The three chiefs visited him to inform him that the Pakistan army had
crossed the international border with 100 battle tanks in the Chamb
sector of Jammu. They told him that in a short span of time the
Pakistan army would cut off Kashmir from the rest of India.
Without losing time he asked for the opening of a new front including
Lahore. Retaliate with full force, he said. What I remember is that
the historic meeting lasted less than five minutes. Arjan Singh, the
then chief of the air force was present. He is the only surviving
member from that meeting.
He told them, "Be prepared for war." He called Defence Minister Y B
Chavan and informed him of the decision. He responded positively and
expressed his support. He didn't wait for international reactions. The
next day, newspapers reported that the Indian army was marching
towards Lahore. It was a big morale booster for the country.
During those tense days, in his address to the nation from Red Fort on
Independence day, he said: "Hathiyaron ka jawab hathiyaron se denge.
(Force will be met with force.) Hamara desh rahega to hamara tiranga
rahega. (Our flag will survive only if our country does)"
On Shastri and the Nehru-Gandhi family
Pandit Nehru was very found of him. Shastriji was around 15 years
younger but he trusted him fully. In 1956, when a train accident
killed 144 passengers near Ariyalur in Tamil Nadu, Shastriji resigned.
Panditji refused to accept the resignation but he prevailed upon
Panditji to accept it.
On the following day in Parliament, Nehru said no one could wish for a
better comrade than Lal Bahadur. A man of the highest integrity and
devoted to ideas is called Lal Bahadur, said Nehru.
Once he was sent to Kashmir by Nehru to help resolve the theft in the
Hazaratbal shrine. Nehru asked him whether he had enough woollens for
the trip.
"Are you aware Kashmir must be having snowfall at this time?" asked
Nehru.
Shastri showed him the jacket he was wearing and Nehru immediately
gave his own mink overcoat. My father was short in stature so he told
Nehru the coat was quite long. But Nehru said woollen overcoats were
always longer. That no one would know it was a borrowed one.
On his return from Kashmir when father went to him to return the
overcoat, Nehru asked him to keep it. The next day newspapers
reported: Nehru's Mantle Falls on Shastri.
Shastriji and Indiraji also enjoyed a close relationship. She had the
highest personal regard for him. After Nehru's death in 1964, the
Congress chose him as a consensus candidate. He did make an attempt to
persuade Indira Gandhi to take over as prime minister. He went to see
her and asked her to become prime minister.
She put her foot down and said no. "You become PM and I'll totally
support you," she said. When he was PM he would drop by at 1,
Safdarjung Road (Indira Gandhi's home) without intimation just to chat
with her.
Image: Uday Kuckian
http://www.rediff.com/news/2004/oct/06spec1.htm
Vinoba Bhave
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This article is missing citations or needs footnotes. Please help add
inline citations to guard against copyright violations and factual
inaccuracies. (January 2008)
Vinoba Bhave,( विनोबा भावे ), born Vinayak Narahari Bhave (September
11, 1895 - November 15 1982) often called Acharya (In Sanskrit means
teacher), was an Indian advocate of Nonviolence and human rights. He
is considered as a National Teacher of India and the spiritual
successor of Mahatma Gandhi.[1]
Early life and background
He was born in Gagode, Maharashtra on September 11, 1895 into a pious
family of the Chitpavan Brahmin clan. He was highly inspired after
reading the Bhagavad Gita, Mahabharat, Ramayan at a very early age.
His father was a devout Hindu and his mother, who died in 1918, was a
great influence on him. In his memoir, Bhave states that, "there is
nothing to equal the part my mother played in shaping my mind".
Specifically, his devotion and spirituality.
His two brothers, Balkoba Bhave and Shivaji Bhave, were also bachelors
devoted to social work.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chitpavan
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Brahmin
Career
Freedom struggle
Vinobha Kutir at Sabarmati AshramHe was associated with Mahatma Gandhi
in the Indian independence movement. In 1932 he was sent to jail by
the British colonial government because of his fight against British
rule. There he gave a series of talks on the Gita, in his native
language Marathi, to his fellow prisoners.
These highly inspiring talks were later published as the book "Talks
on the Gita", and it has been translated to many languages both in
India and elsewhere. Vinoba felt that the source of these talks was
something above and he believed that its influence will endure even if
his other works were forgotten.
In 1940 he was chosen by Gandhi to be the first Individual Satyagrahi
(an Individual standing up for Truth instead of a collective action)
against the British rule. It is said that Gandhi envied and respected
Bhave's celibacy, a vow he made in his adolescence, in fitting with
his belief in the Brahmacharya principle. Bhave also participated in
the Quit India Movement.
Religious and social work
Gandhi and VinobaVinoba's religious outlook was very broad and it
synthesized the truths of many religions. This can be seen in one of
his hymns "Om Tat" which contains symbols of many religions.
Vinoba observed the life of the average Indian living in a village and
tried to find solutions for the problems he faced with a firm
spiritual foundation. This formed the core of his Sarvodaya (Awakening
of all potentials) movement. Another example of this is the Bhoodan
(land gift) movement. He walked all across India asking people with
land to consider him as one of their sons and so give him a portion of
their land which he then distributed to landless poor. Non-violence
and compassion being a hallmark of his philosophy, he also campaigned
against the slaughtering of cows.
Literary career
Vinoba Bhave was a scholar, thinker, writer who produced numerous
books, translator who made Sanskrit texts accessible to common man,
orator, linguist who had excellent command of several languages
(Marathi, Hindi, Urdu, English, Sanskrit), and a social reformer. He
wrote brief introductions to, and criticisms of, several religious and
philosophical works like the Bhagavad Gita,works of Adi
Shankaracharya, the Bible and Quran. His criticism of Dnyaneshwar's
poetry as also the output by other Marathi saints is quite brilliant
and a testimony to the breadth of his intellect. A university named
after him Vinoba Bhave University is still there in the state of
Jharkhand spreading knowledge even after his death.
Later life and death
Vinoba spent the later part of his life at his ashram in Paunar,
Maharashtra. He controversially backed the Indian Emergency imposed by
Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, calling it Anushasana Parva (Time for
Discipline).
He fell ill in November 1982 and decided to end his life. He died on
November 15, 1982 after refusing food and medicine for a few days.
Some Indians have identified this as sallekhana. It is the Jain
religious ritual of voluntary death by fasting.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sallekhana
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fasting
Criticism
V. S. Naipaul has given scathing criticism of Bhave in his collection
of essays citing his lack of connection with rationality and excessive
imitation of Gandhi. Even some of his admirers find fault with the
extent of his devotion to Gandhiji. Much more controversial was his
support, ranging from covert to open, to Congress Party's Govt under
Indira Gandhi which was fast becoming unpopular.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/V._S._Naipaul
Awards
In 1958 Vinoba was the first recipient of the international Ramon
Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership.[2] He was awarded the Bharat
Ratna posthumously in 1983.[3]
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ramon_Magsaysay_Award
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bharat_Ratna
Bibliography
Geeta Pravachane (in all Indian languages)
Vichar Pothi (in Marathi, Hindi, Gujarati and also translated into
English by Vasant Nargolkar.)
Sthitapragnya Darshan (Marathi, Hindi, Gujarati also translated in
English)
Madhukar (collection and compilation of his articles written over the
years (before freedom was achieved.)
Krant Darshan (as no. 4)
Teesri Shakti or The Third Power (his views on political life of the
nation)
Swarajya Shastra (his political treatise)
Bhoodan Ganga - in 9/10 volumes, (in Marathi, Hindi) collection and
compilation of his speeches from 18 April 1951)
Manushasanam, (his selections from Manusmruti,
Moved By Love: The memoirs of Vinoba Bhave
Quotes
"All revolutions are spiritual at the source. All my activities have
the sole purpose of achieving a union of hearts."
"Peace is something mental and spiritual. If there be peace in our
(personal) life, it will affect the whole world"
"Jai Jagat! — Victory to the world!"
"It is a curious phenomena that God has made the hearts of the poor
rich, and those of the rich poor."
"What we should aim at is the creation of people power, which is
opposed to the power of violence and is different from the coercive
power of state."
"A country should be defended not by arms, but by ethical behavior."
"We cannot fight new wars with old weapons."
"When a thing is true, there is no need to use any arguments to
substantiate it."
"There is no need for me to protest against the government’s faults,
it is against its good deeds that my protests are needed."
"Do not allow yourself to imagine that revolutionary thinking can be
propagated by governmental power."
"I beg you not to adopt any "go slow" methods of nonviolence. In
nonviolence you must go full steam ahead, if you want the good to come
speedily you must go about it with vigor. A merely soft, spineless
ineffective kind of nonviolence will actually encourage the growth of
the status quo and all the forces of a violent system which we
deplore."
See also
Mohandas Gandhi http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohandas_Gandhi
Gandhism http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gandhism
Lanza del Vasto http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lanza_del_Vasto
Further reading
Vinoba Bhave: The Man and His Mission, by P. D. Tandon. Published by
Vora, 1954.
India's Walking Saint: The Story of Vinoba Bhave, by Hallam Tennyson.
Published by Doubleday, 1955.
Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by Ministry of Information and Broadcasting,
India, Published by Publications Division, Government of India, 1955.
India's Social Miracle: The Story of Acharya Vinoba Bhave and His
Movement for Social Justice and Cooperation, Along with a Key to
America's Future and the Way for Harmony Between Man, Nature, and God,
by Daniel P. Hoffman. Published by Naturegraph Co., 1961.
Sarvodaya Ideology & Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by V. Narayan Karan Reddy.
Published by Andhra Pradesh Sarvodaya Mandal, 1963.
Vinoba Bhave on self-rule & representative democracy, by Michael W.
Sonnleitner. Published by Promilla & Co., 1988. ISBN 818500210X.
Struggle for Independence : Vinoba Bhave, by Shiri Ram Bakshi.
Published by Anmol Publications, 1989.
Philosophy of Vinoba Bhave: A New Perspective in Gandhian Thought, by
Geeta S. Mehta. Published by Himalaya Pub. House, 1995. ISBN
817493054X.
Vinoba Bhave - Vyakti Ani Vichar (a book in Marathi) by Dr Anant D.
Adawadkar, Published by Jayashri Prakashan, Nagpur.
References
^ The King of Kindness (Vinoba Bhave, Bhoodan, Gramdan, Sarvodaya,
Gandhi Movement)
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
^ Online biography of Vinoba Bhave on www.rmaf.org.ph accessed in
January 2010
^ List of Bharat Ratna Awardees recipients on india.gov.in accessed in
January 2010
External links
The King of Kindness: Vinoba Bhave and His Nonviolent Revolution
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
"Talks on The Gita" by Vinoba Bhave
http://hindubooks.org/vinoba/gita/
Citation for 1958 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership
http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationBhaveVin.htm
Pen and Ink Portrait of Vinoba Bhave
http://www.kamat.com/database/biographies/vinoba_bhave.htm
Vinoba Bahve - his work on leprosy (with photo 1979)
http://web.telia.com/~u85411425/Vinoba.htm
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vinoba_Bhave
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lal_Bahadur_Shastri
Vinoba Bhave
Vinoba Bhave, 1895 - 1982, was the spiritual successor of Mahatma
Gandhi. He is famous for the land gift movement, Bhoodhan movement,
where people donated land to the landless poor of India.
His importance is illustrated by the fact that when Jawaharlal Nehru
became the first prime minister of the independent republic of India,
Nehru first of all went to see Vinoba Bhave to get his blessing.
In his relentless work on improving the life in the Indian village
Vinoba Bhave soon realized that leprosy was a common illness that
required their attention. A leprosy centre was therefore opened in
Dattapur in 1936 with Manoharji Diwan in charge.
It was therefore quite natural that 43 years later the head of the
National Leprosy Control Programme in India, Dr K.C. Das, when
travelling in India visiting the member states and their control
programmes, he also paid a visit to Vinoba Bhave.
Here we can see Dr K.C. Das standing at Vinoba Bhave's left side
(Vinoba sitting). Next to Dr Das is Dr Ravi Shankar Sharma, Medical
Officer of Dattapur Leprosy Home, now its Chief. Then sitting are
Hemprabha Bharali (from Assam), Lakshmi bahen, Rama bahen, Kusumtai
Deshpande, Lakschmi Phookan (Assam), Padma bahen, and Shakuntala
bahen. The picture was taken in the ashram of Vinoba Bhave in Paunar
in 1979, just three years before his passing away.
Page updated by GK, 2008-03-29
http://web.telia.com/~u85411425/Vinoba.htm
Kamat Research Database.
Biography: Vinoba Bhave
Born: 1895 Died: 1982
Kamat's Potpourri
Vinoba Bhave (1895 -1982)
Portrait in India ink by V.N. O'key
Vinoba Bhave was a great innovative experimenter in Gandhian
techniques. He placed reliance on the Gandhian philosophy of change of
heart and used the instrument of moral appeal of the Bhoodan (donation
of lands) movement to secure land to the landless to satisfy peasants
hunger for land. The Bhoodan movement initiated by Vinoba Bhave
created a social climate to land reforms and their smooth
implementation.
Source: Adhunika Bharat Ke Nirmata, V.N. O'Key Felicitation Committee,
Bombay, 1989
http://www.kamat.com/database/biographies/vinoba_bhave.htm
The 1958 Ramon Magsaysay Award for Community Leadership
CITATION for Vinoba Bhave
Ramon Magsaysay Award Presentation Ceremonies
31 August 1958, Manila, Philippines
Seven years ago, seeing the force of a simple act of human
generosity�one man's voluntary gift of land�in the solution of a
bitter village conflict, VINOBA BHAVE dedicated himself to the
propagation of a new kind of social revolution in India.
The vehicle he originated for this work, known as the Bhoodan
Movement, has as its primary tangible objective "land for the
landless." Its intangible implications are even more significant.
Emphasizing a voluntary giving�first of land and more recently also of
cash, kind, labor, intelligence, life and of whole villages�he has
sought to bring his people to a fuller realization of man's nobler
nature.
Many among his countrymen have responded to his abiding faith in the
basic goodness of human character and the tempering effect of human
conscience. In them, he has awakened a consciousness of inner strength
and nurtured a social morality. Thus, in his seven years of walking to
the villages of India, he has labored to create with gentle persuasion
the climate for social reform wherein, by ways he has proposed, needed
change could be accomplished voluntarily.
He has sought nothing for himself, least of all recognition of his
achievements. Rather, his has been a life selflessly devoted to
finding and conveying to his people an approach to the problem of
poverty that is within the means of every man. He, in his way, as our
late President Ramon Magsaysay did in his, has given himself humbly
and unstintingly in service to his people.
In electing ACHARYA VINOBA BHAVE to receive the first Ramon Magsaysay
Award for Community Leadership, the Board of Trustees recognizes his
furtherance of the cause of arousing his countrymen toward voluntary
action in relieving social injustice and economic inequalities.
http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Citation/CitationBhaveVin.htm
The King of Kindness
Vinoba Bhave and His Nonviolent Revolution
By Mark Shepard
Excerpted and adapted from the book Gandhi Today: A Report on Mahatma
Gandhi’s Successors, Simple Productions, Arcata, California, 1987,
reprinted by Seven Locks Press, Washington, D.C., 1987
For more resources, visit Mark Shepard’s Gandhi Page at
www.markshep.com/nonviolence
Copyright © 1987, 1988 Mark Shepard. May be freely copied and shared
for any noncommercial purpose as long as no text is altered or
omitted.
Vinoba, 1978.
Photo by Mark Shepard.
All revolutions are spiritual at the source. All my activities have
the sole purpose of achieving a union of hearts.
—Vinoba
Jai jagat!—Victory to the world!
—Vinoba
Once India gained its independence, that nation’s leaders did not take
long to abandon Mahatma Gandhi’s principles.
Nonviolence gave way to the use of India’s armed forces. Perhaps even
worse, the new leaders discarded Gandhi’s vision of a decentralized
society—a society based on autonomous, self-reliant villages. These
leaders spurred a rush toward a strong central government and an
industrial economy as found in the West.
Yet Gandhi’s vision was not abandoned by all. Many of Gandhi’s
“constructive workers”—development experts and community organizers
working in a host of agencies set up by Gandhi himself—resolved to
continue his mission of transforming Indian society.
Leading them was a disciple of Gandhi previously little known to the
Indian public, yet eventually regarded as Gandhi’s “spiritual
successor": a saintly, reserved, austere individual called Vinoba.
In 1916, at the age of 20, Vinoba was in the holy city of Benares
trying to come to a decision.
Should he go to the Himalaya mountains and become a religious hermit?
Or should he go to West Bengal and join the guerillas fighting the
British?
Then Vinoba came across a newspaper account of a speech by Gandhi.
Vinoba was thrilled. Soon after, he joined Gandhi in his ashram. (An
ashram is a religious community—but for Gandhians, it is also a center
for political and social action.)
As Vinoba later said, he found in Gandhi the peace of the Himalayas
united with the revolutionary fervor of Bengal.
Gandhi greatly admired Vinoba, commenting that Vinoba understood
Gandhian thought better than he himself did. In 1940 he showed his
regard by choosing Vinoba over Nehru to lead off a national protest
campaign against British war policies.
After Gandhi’s assassination on January 30, 1948, many of Gandhi’s
followers looked to Vinoba for direction. Vinoba advised that, now
that India had reached its goal of Swaraj—independence, or self-rule—
the Gandhians’ new goal should be a society dedicated to Sarvodaya,
the “welfare of all.”
The name stuck, and the movement of the Gandhians became known as the
Sarvodaya Movement. A merger of constructive work agencies produced
Sarva Seva Sangh—“The Society for the Service of All”—which became the
core of the Sarvodaya Movement, as the main Gandhian organization
working for broad social change along Gandhian lines.
Vinoba had no desire to be a leader, preferring a secluded ashram
life. This preference, though, was overturned by events in 1951,
following the yearly Sarvodaya conference in what is now the central
Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. At the close of that conference,
Vinoba announced his intention to journey through the nearby district
of Telengana.
He couldn’t have picked a more troubled spot.
Telengana was at that moment the scene of an armed insurrection.
Communist students and some of the poorest villagers had united in a
guerilla army. This army had tried to break the land monopoly of the
rich landlords by driving them out or killing them and distributing
their land.
At the height of the revolt, the guerrillas had controlled an area of
3,000 villages. But the Indian army had been sent in and had begun its
own campaign of terror. Now, many villages were occupied by government
troops during the day and by Communists at night. Each side would kill
villagers they suspected of supporting the other side. So most
villagers lived in terror of both sides.
The government had clearly shown it would win, but the conflict wasn’t
nearly over by the time of the Sarvodaya conference. Vinoba hoped to
find a solution to the conflict and to the injustice that had spawned
it. So, refusing police escort, he and a small company set off on
foot.
On April 18, the third day of his walk, Vinoba stopped in the village
of Pochampalli, which had been an important Communist stronghold.
Setting himself up in the courtyard of a Muslim prayer compound, he
was soon receiving visitors from all the factions in the village.
Among the visitors was a group of 40 families of landless Harijans.
(Harijan was Gandhi’s name for the Untouchables, the outcasts from
Hindu society. Literally, it means “child of God.”) The Harijans told
Vinoba they had no choice but to support the Communists, because only
the Communists would give them land. They asked, Would Vinoba ask the
government instead to give them land?
Vinoba replied, “What use is government help until we can help
ourselves?” But he himself wasn’t satisfied by the answer. He was
deeply perplexed.
Late that afternoon, by a lake next to the village, Vinoba held a
prayer meeting that drew thousands of villagers from the surrounding
area. Near the beginning of the meeting, he presented the Harijans’
problem to the assembly. Without really expecting a response, he said,
“Brothers, is there anyone among you who can help these Harijan
friends?”
A prominent farmer of the village stood up. “Sir, I am ready to give
one hundred acres.”
Vinoba could not believe his ears.
Here, in the midst of a civil war over land monopoly, was a farmer
willing to part with 100 acres out of simple generosity. And Vinoba
was just as astounded when the Harijans declared that they needed only
80 acres and wouldn’t accept more!
Vinoba suddenly saw a solution to the region’s turmoil. In fact, the
incident seemed to him a sign from God. At the close of the prayer
meeting, he announced he would walk all through the region to collect
gifts of land for the landless.
So began the movement called Bhoodan—“land-gift.” Over the next seven
weeks, Vinoba asked for donations of land for the landless in 200
villages of Telengana. Calculating the amount of India’s farmland
needed to supply India’s landless poor, he would tell the farmers and
landlords in each village, “I am your fifth son. Give me my equal
share of land.” And in each village—to his continued amazement—the
donations poured in.
Who gave, and why?
At first most of the donors were farmers of moderate means, including
some who themselves owned only an acre or two. To them, Vinoba was a
holy man, a saint, the Mahatma’s own son, who had come to give them
God’s message of kinship with their poorer neighbors. Vinoba’s prayer
meetings at times took on an almost evangelical fervor. As for Vinoba,
he accepted gifts from even the poorest—though he sometimes returned
these gifts to the donors—because his goal was as much to open hearts
as to redistribute land.
Gradually, though, the richer landowners also began to give. Of
course, many of their gifts were inspired by fear of the Communists
and hopes of buying off the poor—as the Communists were quick to
proclaim.
But not all the motives of the rich landowners were economic. Many of
the rich hoped to gain “spiritual merit” through their gifts; or at
least to uphold their prestige. After all, if poor farmers were
willing to give sizeable portions of their land to Vinoba, could the
rich be seen to do less? And perhaps a few of the rich were even truly
touched by Vinoba’s message.
In any case, as Vinoba’s tour gained momentum, even the announced
approach of the “god who gives away land” was enough to prepare the
landlords to part with some of their acreage.
Soon Vinoba was collecting hundreds of acres a day. What’s more,
wherever Vinoba moved, he began to dispel the climate of tension and
fear that had plagued the region. In places where people had been
afraid to assemble, thousands gathered to hear him—including the
Communists.
At the end of seven weeks, Vinoba had collected over 12,000 acres.
After he left, Sarvodaya workers continuing to collect land in his
name received another 100,000 acres.
The Telengana march became the launching point for a nationwide
campaign that Vinoba hoped would eliminate the greatest single cause
of India’s poverty: land monopoly. He hoped as well that it might be
the lever needed to start a “nonviolent revolution”—a complete
transformation of Indian society by peaceful means.
The root of oppression, he reasoned, is greed. If people could be led
to overcome their possessiveness, a climate would be created in which
social division and exploitation could be eliminated. As he later put
it, “We do not aim at doing mere acts of kindness, but at creating a
Kingdom of Kindness.”
Soon Vinoba and his colleagues were collecting 1,000 acres a day, then
2,000, then 3,000. Several hundred small teams of Sarvodaya workers
and volunteers began trekking from village to village, all over India,
collecting land in Vinoba’s name. Vinoba himself—despite advanced age
and poor health—marched continually, touring one state after another.
The pattern of Vinoba’s day was daily the same. Vinoba and his company
would rise by 3:00 a.m. and hold a prayer meeting for themselves. Then
they would walk ten or twelve miles to the next village, Vinoba
leading at a pace that left the others struggling breathlessly behind.
With him were always a few close assistants, a bevy of young,
idealistic volunteers—teenagers and young adults, male and some
female, mostly from towns or cities—plus maybe some regular Sarvodaya
workers, a landlord, a politician, or an interested Westerner.
At the host village they would be greeted by a brass band, a makeshift
archway, garlands, formal welcomes by village leaders, and shouts of
“Sant Vinoba, Sant Vinoba!” (“Saint Vinoba!”)
After breakfast, the Bhoodan workers would fan out through the
village, meeting the villagers, distributing literature, and taking
pledges. Vinoba himself would be settled apart, meeting with visitors,
reading newspapers, answering letters.
In late afternoon, there would be a prayer meeting, attended by
hundreds or thousands of villagers from the area. After a period of
reciting and chanting, Vinoba would speak to the crowd in his quiet,
high-pitched voice. His talk would be completely improvised, full of
rich images drawn from Hindu scripture or everyday life, exhorting the
villagers to lives of love, kinship, sharing. At the close of the
meeting, more pledges would be taken.
There were no free weekends on this itinerary, no holidays, no days
off. The man who led this relentless crusade was 57 years old,
suffered from chronic dysentery, chronic malaria, and an intestinal
ulcer, and restricted himself, because of his ulcer, to a diet of
honey, milk, and yogurt.
As the campaign gained momentum, friends and detractors alike watched
in fascination. In the West, too, Vinoba’s effort drew attention. In
the United States, major articles on Vinoba appeared in the New York
Times, the New Yorker—Vinoba even appeared on the cover of Time.
By the time of the 1954 Sarvodaya conference, the Gandhians had
collected over 3 million acres nationwide. The total eventually
reached over 4 million. Much of this land turned out to be useless,
and in many cases landowners reneged on their pledges. Still, the
Gandhians were able to distribute over 1 million acres to India’s
landless poor—far more than had been managed by the land reform
programs of India’s government. About half a million families
benefited.
Meanwhile, Vinoba was shifting his efforts to a new gear—a higher one.
After 1954, Vinoba began asking for “donations” not so much of land
but of whole villages. He named this new program Gramdan—“village-
gift.”
Gramdan was a far more radical program than Bhoodan. In a Gramdan
village, all land was to be legally owned by the village as a whole,
but parceled out for the use of individual families, according to
need. Because the families could not themselves sell, rent, or
mortgage the land, they could not be pressured off it during hard times
—as normally happens when land reform programs bestow land title on
poor individuals.
Village affairs were to be managed by a village council made up of all
adult members of the village, making decisions by consensus—meaning
the council could not adopt any decision until everyone accepted it.
This was meant to ensure cooperation and make it much harder for one
person or group to benefit at the expense of others.
While Bhoodan had been meant to prepare people for a nonviolent
revolution, Vinoba saw Gramdan as the revolution itself.
Like Gandhi, Vinoba believed that the divisiveness of Indian society
was a root cause of its degradation and stagnation. Before the
villagers could begin to improve their lot, they needed to learn to
work together. Gramdan, he felt, with its common land ownership and
cooperative decision-making, could bring about the needed unity.
And once this was achieved, the “people’s power” it would release
would make anything possible.
Vinoba’s Gramdan efforts progressed slowly until 1965, when an easing
of Gramdan’s requirements was joined to the launching of a “storm
campaign.” By 1970, the official figure for Gramdan villages was
160,000—almost one-third of all India’s villages!
But it turned out that it was far easier to get a declaration of
Gramdan than to set it up in practice. By early 1970, only a few
thousand villages had transferred land title to a village council. In
most of these, progress was at a standstill. What’s more, most of
these few thousand villages were small, single-caste, or tribal—not
even typical Indian villages.
By 1971, Gramdan as a movement had collapsed under its own weight.
Still, the Gramdan movement left behind more than a hundred Gramdan
“pockets”—some made up of hundreds of villages—where Gandhian workers
settled in for long-term development efforts. These pockets today form
the base of India’s Gandhian movement. In these locales, the Gandhians
are helping some of India’s poorest by organizing Gandhian-style
community development and nonviolent action campaigns against
injustice.
As for Vinoba, he returned to his ashram for the final time in June
1970, after thirteen years of continual marching and five more of
presiding over the “storm campaign.”
During his final years, Vinoba continued to inspire new programs—for
instance, Women’s Power Awakening, a Gandhian version of women’s
liberation. He also launched an ongoing campaign against “cow
slaughter” to try to halt the butchering of useful farm animals, a
practice destructive of India’s traditional agriculture.
In the mid-1970s, Vinoba and some close followers became estranged
from Sarva Seva Sangh when he opposed the nationwide protest movement
of fellow Gandhian Jayaprakash Narayan against the government of Prime
Minister Indira Gandhi (no relation to the Mahatma). The “JP Movement”
led to Indira Gandhi’s infamous declaration of Emergency and then
indirectly to her temporary ouster from office. In the long run, the
value of that movement’s accomplishments proved open to question, and
much of Vinoba’s criticism of it was borne out.
Vinoba died on November 15, 1982. In his dying, as in his living, he
was deliberate, instructive, and, in a way, lighthearted. After
suffering a heart attack, Vinoba decided to “leave his body before his
body left him.” He therefore simply stopped eating until his body
released him.
Another Great Soul had passed.
More on Vinoba and the Sarvodaya Movement
Most of these titles can be difficult to buy. For possible sources,
see Other Gandhi Resources on my Gandhi Page.
Vinoba on Gandhi, by Vinoba Bhave, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1973.
Selected talks. Clear, lucid, and sometimes controversial.
Democratic Values, by Vinoba Bhave, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1964.
Selected talks on his social philosophy.
Selections from Vinoba, edited by Vishwanath Tandon, Sarva Seva Sangh,
Benares, 1981.
Gandhi Today: A Report on Mahatma Gandhi’s Successors, Simple
Productions, Arcata, California, 1987 (reprinted by Seven Locks Press,
Washington, D.C., 1987). Includes the more complete account from which
this article is drawn.
Since Gandhi: India’s Sarvodaya Movement, by Mark Shepard, Greenleaf
Books, Weare, New Hampshire, 1984. Booklet, mimeographed. An earlier,
more detailed, more critical account—with much unauthorized editing.
Also lists additional sources. Available only from Greenleaf Books.
India’s Walking Saint: The Story of Vinoba Bhave, by Hallam Tennyson,
Doubleday, Garden City, New York, 1955. A first-hand account by a
visiting American Quaker.
Gandhi to Vinoba: The New Pilgrimage, by Lanza del Vasto, Schocken,
New York, 1974. Biography, plus a journal of a Bhoodan tour. By a
prominent European Gandhian and the founder of the Community of the
Ark.
Vinoba: His Life and Work, by Sriman Narayan, Popular Prakashan,
Bombay, 1970.
Acharya Vinoba Bhave, by Vishwanath Tandon, Ministry of Information
and Broadcasting, New Delhi, 1992. (Acharya is a title of respect
meaning “spiritual teacher.”)
Fragments of a Vision: A Journey through India’s Gramdan Villages, by
Erica Linton, Sarva Seva Sangh, Benares, 1971. By a visiting
Englishwoman. An inspiration for my own book.
Nonviolent Revolution in India, by Geoffrey Ostergaard, JP Amrit Kosh,
Sevagram, and Gandhi Peace Foundation, New Delhi, 1985. An extensive
scholarly treatment of the Gandhians after Gandhi, though slanted more
toward Jayaprakash Narayan.
Contact Info
For info on contacting today’s Gandhians, please see Other Gandhi
Resources on my Gandhi Page.
Read the book!
Gandhi Today
A Report on India’s Gandhi Movement
By Mark Shepard
http://www.markshep.com/nonviolence/GT_Vinoba.html
INDIA: A Man on Foot
Monday, May. 11, 1953
The farms around Benares, India's holy city, are nourished by the
sacred Ganges. The soil is black and crumbly, as rich-looking as
chocolate. Cane grows as high as a man's head. Water is knee-deep in
the lush paddies. It is a happy land, where plump little children
stand beside the road, laugh and wave to passing automobiles, where
slender farm girls, with water jars balanced gracefully on their
heads, smile shyly before covering their faces with colorful head
cloths. Old men sit in the doorways of mud huts, contentedly puffing
on long-stemmed hookahs.
But as the traveler goes on across the sluggish River Son, then turns
south into the state of Bihar, the landscape begins to change. The
land is dry and almost desert-like. Scattered here & there, like the
bare bones of long-dead hills, are piles of gigantic stones. Jackals
wander across the fields, and black kites wheel lazily in the sky.
Tiny villages huddle beside the road, and when an automobile
approaches, naked children cower in fright, then invariably, as
panicky chickens do, dart into the car's path. Gaunt women, stripped
to the waist, work in the fields.
Trudging across this bleak land last week, surrounded by adoring
crowds wherever he went, was a gentle, half-deaf little wisp of a man,
dressed in the garb of poverty—a homespun dhoti and cheap brown canvas
sneakers—but lighted by a flame of authority that has made him one of
India's most notable spiritual leaders. His name is Vinoba Bhave
(pronounced bah vay). He has no place in the government or any other
secular organization; he is what Hindus call an acharya (preceptor).
Only a land with holy cities, sacred rivers and thin margins between
want and plenty could have produced frail (5 ft. 4 in., 86 Ibs.),
ascetic Vinoba Bhave. In two years he has become such a power in India
that only Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru is better known to the
Indian masses.
New Urgency. Vinoba, as he is known to millions, was a trusted and
faithful disciple of the late Mahatma Gandhi. He even looks somewhat
like Gandhi, except for a grey beard and frowsy dark hair. He has the
same emaciated body, wears the same sort of bifocal glasses, speaks in
the same calm, soft voice, with kindly humor. One of the most learned
men in India, he has studied Sanskrit, Persian, Urdu, Hindi, Marathi,
Gujarati, Bengali, Telugu, Kanarese, Malayalam and English, and this
array of languages serves him well on his travels through polyglot
India. It is not for his learning, however, that India's millions have
given their hearts to Vinoba Bhave. They have done that because he,
like their beloved Bapu (as they call Gandhi), has brought them a new
hope.
It is no new doctrine that Vinoba preaches. It only seems so, because
the times have given it new urgency. Walking from one to another of
India's 700,000 villages, he asks those who have land to share it with
those who have none. Without using the words of the gentle Evangelist
who preceded him by two thousand years, he tells his audiences that it
is more blessed to give than to receive. To those who have land he
says: "I have come to loot you with love. If you have four sons,
consider me as the fifth, and accordingly give me my share." To
impoverished tenants and landless laborers he says: "We are all
members of a single human family."
The results of this simple approach to man's better nature have been
astonishing. Bhave calls his campaign Bhoomidan-yagna, which means a
sacrificial offering of land. Since he began his land distribution
campaign two years ago, Vinoba has walked 6,500 miles on tireless
feet, and has distributed more than a million acres of land to the
poor. The largest single gift was 100,000 acres from a maharajah. The
smallest was a gantha (one fortieth of an acre), donated by a
Telingana peasant who owned only one acre himself.
Every Man's Heart. Not all of the gifts are prompted by charitable
impulse. Some wealthy landowners support Vinoba Bhave and make
donations because they hope his gentle usurpation will appeal to the
mystic strain in all good Hindus more than the violence of Communism.
Bhave has proved that, under certain circumstances, Indians do prefer
his way, that Bhoomidan-yagnn is more effective in ending unrest than
jailing thousands of Reds. "
At one place he said: "Whatever village I go to, people tell me about
the atrocities of the Communists. I pray to God to let the feeling of
love for Communists also reside in my heart. Although the Communists
commit acts of violence, still, hovr can we hate them? I wish everyone
to realize God. I always pray to Him that He should kindle good faith
in the heart of every man." In another village, held in a vise of
terror, he spoke directly to the Communists: "Do you really believe in
your ideology? If so ... why not come in the daytime instead of by
night? If you want to loot the people, loot as I do, with sincerity
and affection."
Every party in India approves of Bhave's movement, including Nehru's
Congress Party and the Socialists—every party, that is, except the
Communists. Even the Communists do not denounce the man or his goal,
only his method (which they profess to scorn as inadequate and
unworkable, despite the fact that it works). For 30 years the Congress
Party has talked land reform, studied schemes, but has accomplished
little. After independence, Nehru turned over land legislation to the
state governments, where it has been obstructed by landowner
interests. Of India's 357 million people, in a land where plague,
pests, drought, floods, debt and ignorance conspire to perpetuate
abject poverty, Bhave is one man who is doing something tangible about
redistributing the land. To the Western eye, there arc visible
shortcomings in Vinoba's Bhoomidan-yagna. It has not increased the
number of acres or the quantity of crops, and therefore—his critics say
—provides no conclusive answer to India's immense agricultural
problem. Although more than 70% of India's people work the land for a
living, the nation must import food or starve. Yet Bhoomidan-yagna has
given pride of ownership to hundreds of thousands, and hope to
millions more.
Eight Swishes. Vinoba Bhave is a sick man: he has a duodenal ulcer and
malaria. For food, he takes only two cups of milk daily, the second
laced with honey. Yet somehow he finds the energy to walk a steady ten
to 20 miles a day. When he is on the road, he and his disciples get up
in some sleeping village at 3 a.m. There is a patter of handclaps, a
tinkling bell, the flash of a kerosene lantern, the shuffling of
sandals in the dust, and the little group departs for the next
village, singing hymns. When he is not on the road, Vinoba gets up an
hour later and meditates for an hour. At 5, he has his first cup of
milk, swishing each mouthful exactly eight times before swallowing.
Bhave's entourage numbers a dozen or more enthusiastic young Hindus,
male and female, average age about 24, who stay three months to a year
with him, so that the membership is constantly changing. Some
disciples usually precede him to the next village, to announce his
arrival from a sound truck and to see that everything is in order
(including latrine-digging, if a big crowd is expected). The only
permanent member of the group is Damadar Das, 38, who joined Gandhi at
18 and became Bhave's secretary after the Mahatma died. Damadar Das
mails copies of Vinoba's speeches to the newspapers and keeps track of
the land deeds, although each one is shrewdly inspected and initialed
by Bhave personally.
Bhave's ashram (retreat) is at Puanar in Madhya Pradesh, about six
miles from Gandhi's former ashram at Wardha. The main bungalow at
Puanar, donated by Gandhi's old benefactor, the late Millionaire
Jamnalal Bajaj, seemed so luxurious to the ascetic Bhave that he was
tempted to refuse it. Finally he accepted, but stripped the bungalow
to its bare walls. Like Gandhi before him, Bhave is an expert spinner
and weaver. Unless it is raining, he sleeps outdoors every night,
whether on the road or at Puanar.
Lifelong Celibacy. Vinoba Bhave was born 57 years ago to a Brahman
(high-caste) family in Gangoda, a village in western India. His given
name was Vinayak, but Gandhi changed it to Vinoba in later years, and
the disciple accepted it as his name. At ten the boy began his career
of holy man: he made a resolution of lifelong celibacy, gave up sweets
and started going barefoot. Gandhi, who in young manhood was a lawyer
and a comfortably married man, admired Vinoba's untarnished virginity.
The Mahatma frequently said that his only regret in life was that he
had known the delights of sex.
At 20, Bhave was shipped off to study at Bombay, but went instead to
Bengal. Apparently (he is reticent about his early life) he joined the
nationalist movement in Bengal, eating at public kitchens. He studied
Sanskrit at Benares, and became deeply immersed in Hindu theology. He
first saw Gandhi in 1916. Being too shy to approach the Mahatma, Bhave
wrote a letter instead, and Gandhi invited him to join the ashram at
Sabarmati. When Gandhi learned that his new follower had not written
to his family for several years, he sat down himself and wrote to
Bhave's father: "Your Vinoba is with me. His spiritual attainments are
such as I myself attained only after a long struggle."
Return Before Nightfall. Bhave was restless at Sabarmati, however, and
went away to study more Sanskrit, telling Gandhi that if he did not
find peace of soul he would be back in a year. Over the ensuing
months, the others in the ashram forgot his promise, but one morning
at prayers, the Mahatma said that this was the day Vinoba had promised
to return. Vinoba was back before nightfall.
In 1932 Bhave suffered his first arrest for taking part in Gandhi's
civil-disobedience movement. Thereafter he spent several more terms in
British jail, serving a total of about two years. After India won her
nationhood, through the bloody communal riots between Hindus and
Moslems and through Gandhi's death, Bhave remained in obscurity,
except for occasional newspaper articles carrying his strictures
against money. To Bhave, money "tells lies and is like a loafing
tramp." For a medium of exchange he favored scrip, showing the number
of hours a person had worked to earn it.
Two years ago he went to the state of Hyderabad to attend a meeting of
Gandhi's old disciples. The Communists were terrorizing Hyderabad,
especially the Telingana district, and Bhave was appalled by what he
found there.
Culture & Blood Baths. In the 10,000 square miles of Telingana,
8,000,000 peasants had long suffered the worst land tyranny in India.
They were virtual serfs, without hope of getting land of their own.
Communist guerrillas moved in to correct this—in their own way. They
killed or put to flight scores of landowners, distributed the land,
seized whole villages and set up their own schools. In battles between
guerrillas and state constables backed by government troops, 3,000
people were killed and 35,000 Reds jailed. Both landowners and farmers
were caught in the murderous crossfire.
Bhave wandered into areas from which the police had warned him to stay
away, but he was unharmed. At first he preached ahimsa (Gandhi's old
nonviolence), but he soon saw that this was not enough. "I confess,"
he said, "that the incendiary and murderous activities did not unnerve
me, because I know that the birth of a new culture has always been
accompanied in the past by blood baths. What is needed is not to get
panicky, but to keep our heads cool and find a peaceful means of
resolving the conflict. The police are not expected to think out and
institute reforms. To clear a jungle of tigers, their employment would
be useful. But here we have to deal with human beings, however
mistaken and misguided. When a new idea is born, new repression cannot
combat it."
Then Vinoba Bhave thought of asking landowners to give land to the
landless, saying (or at least politely implying) that if they did not,
the Communists or the government might take it away. Thus Bhoomidan-
yagna was born, in bloody Telingana. Even the Nizam of Hyderabad,
reputed one of the richest and most miserly men in the world, gave
some land, though neither the Nizam nor Bhave would say how much (the
merit acquired by giving is lost by boasting of it). Some 35,000 acres
were collected and reassigned to the most destitute. Gradually the
revolt and the terror died down.
Palms & Mango Leaves. Prime Minister Nehru's government was delighted.
Nehru too is Gandhi's heir—but a modern, half-Westernized one. Gandhi
had a political core which Bhave ignores and Nehru has inherited.
Nehru, moreover, believes in industrialization and irrigation and vast
schemes; Bhave believes in self-denial and spinning wheels. After
Bhave's triumph in Telingana, Nehru wanted him to come to New Delhi
and discuss Bhoomidan-yagna with the National Planning Commission, and
offered to send a plane down to fly Vinoba back. Vinoba said: "I will
come, but in my own time, and as always." He walked, with members of
his ashram. New Delhi was 795 miles away.
That slow plodding to the capital, which took two months, was a
triumphant journey. At nearly every town and village, Bhave found
arbors of palms and mango leaves erected for him to walk through.
Underfed, ragged villagers crowded around to touch the holy man's
feet, and to bathe them when he would stop for a rest. Municipal
dignitaries garlanded him with flowers, which the little ascetic
passed back to the crowd. At each departure, the elders walked with
him a mile toward the next village. And at every stop, he held a
prayer meeting and carried on with Bhoomidan-yagna.
At New Delhi, he stayed in a bamboo hut near the concrete ghat in
which Gandhi's body was cremated. Nehru called twice, in the midst of
a busy election campaign. Dr. Rajendra Prasad, the President of India,
came and told Bhave to take as much as he wanted of Prasad's land
holding in Bihar. Members of the Planning Commission came and stayed
for hours. Even a delegation of Communists, headed by Party Boss Ajoy
Ghosh, paid a courteous visit. After eleven days, Bhave left New Delhi
and has not been back to the capital since. He dislikes cities.
No Animal Matter. Three months ago, while walking through Bihar,
Vinoba Bhave was seized with acute malaria. His temperature rose above
103, but he kept on walking as long as he could, then continued by
bullock cart. In Chandil, a small village, he collapsed and was put to
bed, but he refused all medication. "God," he said, "either wants to
free me or desires to purify this body for employing it again in His
work." He also refused to be taken to a hospital in Patna, the state
capital. Said he: "Do not people also die in Patna?"
Crowds gathered around the house where the holy man lay ill. Half a
dozen state and national government officials sent doctors to care for
him. Dr. Prasad and others pleaded with him to take the drugs they
prescribed.
Finally, on being assured that the medicines contained no animal
matter, Bhave consented. He improved almost immediately. During his
convalescence, Nehru and Prasad flew down for a visit. And his
disciples carried on with Bhoomidan-yagna, collecting 33,000 acres of
land. When Bhave took to the road again, the donations came in so fast
that the ash ram's bookkeeping system was almost snowed under. Last
week, after 110 miles of dusty tramping in Bihar, he had picked up
another 365,000 acres.
The Way of Love. Nowadays Vinoba Bhave reads only three books:
Euclid's Elements, Aesop's Fables and the Bhagavad Gita. For him, as
for Gandhi, the Bhagavad Gita is the supreme book of human guidance.
This great Sanskrit poem, imbedded in a larger work called the
Mahabharata, is later than the Vedas and the Upanishads, and fills a
role in the Hindu holy books something like that of the New Testament
in the Bible. During one of his jail terms, Vinoba lectured every
Sunday on the Gita. He translated it into Marathi* verse, and this
work sold about a quarter of a million copies.
The Gita prescribes three paths for the soul's union with God: karma-
yoga, the way of action, Jnana-yoga, the way of knowledge, and bhakti-
yoga, the way of love. The poem is set in the frame of bloody battle,
a great battle on the plain of Kurukshetra. The hero, Arjuna, is
downcast because he must fight against men who, he suspects, are his
brothers, even though they are foes, and the god Krishna givers Arjuna
advice. Krishna persuades Arjuna that it is permissible to fight,
indeed, that he must fight, so long as the struggle serves no selfish
ends. Although most Indian scholars believe that the poem refers to a
real battle, Gandhi was so deeply committed to nonviolence that he
convinced himself that the battle of Kurukshetra was an allegory, that
it portrayed the conflict of good & evil in the human heart.
Bhave practices karma-yoga, the way to God through action in the
world: "You must perform every action sacramentally, and be free from
all attachment to results." It is not to be undertaken with out first
mastering the other yogas, learning control of the body, the breathing
and the mind; learning concentration through love and devotion by
prayer; gaining knowledge by meditation.
Vinoba Bhave has read and admired the scriptures of other religions,
and he knows that the way of love was discovered long ago in many
places outside the mountain-walled subcontinent of India. Yet in this
racked century, the way of love seems, as Bhoomidan-yagna shows,
always new.
"My object," says Vinoba Bhave, "is to transform the whole of society.
Fire merely burns; it does not worry whether anyone puts a pot on it,
fills it with water and puts rice in it to make a meal. Fire burns and
does its duty. It is for others to do theirs.
"The people are going to solve their problems, not I. I am simply
creating an atmosphere. The beginning is always small, but when the
atmosphere spreads, somebody will ask—and somebody will give."
*A Sanskritic language spoken in western India.
http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,935318,00.html
...and I am Sid Harth